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AbstractIn Australia, survivor advocacy groups have been closely engaged with the emergence and development of policy and redress responses to institutional child abuse. Their activities and influence in this respect have been under-researched. This study focuses on the use of Twitter, a tool increasingly employed by activist groups in their lobbying repertoires. Using content and thematic analysis, tweets of 15 non-survivor led advocacy groups, and one survivor-led organisation—Care Leavers Australasia Network (CLAN)—referring to 'redress' were analysed for rhetorical content (via Aristotle's traditional framework of ethos, pathos, and logos) and communication purposes using three broad functional areas defined by Lovejoy and Saxton (2012). In keeping with Lovejoy and Saxton's (2012) framework, the results found that for both non-survivor led advocacy groups and CLAN the primary function of their use of Twitter was to convey information to audiences. However, the integrated use of the rhetoric framework with the function framework revealed markedly different lobbying styles between the non-survivor led advocacy groups and CLAN with the latter pursuing a more confrontational and direct style of lobbying in communications. CLAN also overwhelmingly pursued emotion-focussed rhetoric in lobbying communications.

Background: The measurement of equality is often difficult for groups who are weakly defined or poorly represented in official datasets. Social statistics are an essential component in rights recognition and advocacy because they make protected groups of persons visible and reveal the extent of their inequalities in comparison with population norms.
Aims and objectives: This paper examines how disabled persons have been included, or not, in EU statistics used for evidenced-based policy – for example in the European Semester process concerning Member States' employment and social policies, or in monitoring compliance with international human rights standards under the UN CRPD.
Methods: Over a period of a decade we mapped and disaggregated disability data from the main European social surveys, examining the availability and limitations of different sources to answer various policy questions.
Findings: The analysis produced indicators revealing stark inequalities between disabled and non-disabled persons but raised challenging questions about data quality, reliability and comparability. This revealed tensions in engaging the trust of policymakers in less familiar, or less reliable, data concerning minority groups.
Discussion and conclusions: Despite limitations of precision, imperfect statistics often retain a strong expressive function in human rights promotion. Greater investment is needed from governments and statistical authorities to strengthen disability equality data and indicators concerning marginalised rights holders.

Background: The measurement of equality is often difficult for groups who are weakly defined or poorly represented in official datasets. Social statistics are an essential component in rights recognition and advocacy because they make protected groups of persons visible and reveal the extent of their inequalities in comparison with population norms. Aims and objectives: This paper examines how disabled persons have been included, or not, in EU statistics used for evidenced-based policy ‐ for example in the European Semester process concerning Member States' employment and social policies, or in monitoring compliance with international human rights standards under the UN CRPD. Methods: Over a period of a decade we mapped and disaggregated disability data from the main European social surveys, examining the availability and limitations of different sources to answer various policy questions. Findings: The analysis produced indicators revealing stark inequalities between disabled and non-disabled persons but raised challenging questions about data quality, reliability and comparability. This revealed tensions in engaging the trust of policymakers in less familiar, or less reliable, data concerning minority groups. Discussion and conclusions: Despite limitations of precision, imperfect statistics often retain a strong expressive function in human rights promotion. Greater investment is needed from governments and statistical authorities to strengthen disability equality data and indicators concerning marginalised rights holders.

Research suggests that 501(c)(3) organizations play an active role in governance, shaping both the formulation and implementation of policy through advocacy. Previous work has, however, produced relatively inconsistent findings concerning the causes of and constrains on the advocacy function. In an attempt to reconcile these inconsistencies, this study draws on a theoretical model of strategic decision making in organizations, which suggests that decisions such as advocacy are best conceived of as a two-stage process. This approach produces the expectation that nonprofit organizations considering advocacy first decide whether the potential policy benefits are sufficient to undertake any form of political activity and then choose among the set of political tactics available to them. These hypotheses are tested in an analysis of the advocacy activities of more than 500 nonprofit reproductive health service providers.

The author presents empirical information on the extent and nature of advocacy activity among a random sample of social workers. Almost all employed social workers in the sample performed both job-related and volunteer advocacy. They averaged less than five hours per week of on-the-job advocacy and less than one hour per week of volunteer advocacy. Agency goals and functions as well as job characteristics strongly influence the amount of job-related advocacy a social worker does. As a rule, social workers tend to be involved in case advocacy while at work and class advocacy while volunteering. Social workers were case oriented in their advocacy for or with their clients and were inclined to use approaches internal to their agency. An advocacy research agenda is recommended.

The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to encourage public engagement with climate protection is analysed through a conceptual framework focused on six advocacy functions: issue framing, knowledge generation and dissemination, attribution of responsibility, lobbying, public mobilisation and agenda setting. This framework is used to organise and interpret the results of a fieldwork study of environmental NGOs, conducted in France, Germany and the UK. Key findings include the importance of the cross-linkage of climate with other categories of issue, NGO stress on knowledge as a precursor to action, a 'politics of accountability' in which the attribution of responsibility paves the way for making political demands, a preference for multi-layered lobbying, where process can be as important as product, and the need to adjust NGO mobilisation and agenda setting strategies in the aftermath of the 2009 Copenhagen negotiations and the financial crisis.

The Joint Standing Committee on the Commissioner for Children and Young People (the Committee) is a Western Australian Parliamentary oversight committee charged with monitoring, reviewing and reporting on the exercise of the functions of an independent statutory authority, namely Western Australia's Commissioner for Children and Young People. Parliamentary oversight committees for a children's commissioner or similar position are rare, with New South Wales being the only other Australian jurisdiction to have such a Committee.1. Adapted from the source document.

The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to encourage public engagement with climate protection is analysed through a conceptual framework focused on six advocacy functions: issue framing, knowledge generation and dissemination, attribution of responsibility, lobbying, public mobilisation and agenda setting. This framework is used to organise and interpret the results of a fieldwork study of environmental NGOs, conducted in France, Germany and the UK. Key findings include the importance of the cross-linkage of climate with other categories of issue, NGO stress on knowledge as a precursor to action, a 'politics of accountability' in which the attribution of responsibility paves the way for making political demands, a preference for multi-layered lobbying, where process can be as important as product, and the need to adjust NGO mobilisation and agenda setting strategies in the aftermath of the 2009 Copenhagen negotiations and the financial crisis.

There are many examples today of transnational advocacy groups, and much scholarship to identify how their growing presence contributes to understanding new and complex forms of global governance. This article seeks to present a corrective to the general trend to regard the "transnational" as a specific site of political engagement, and instead it draws principally on the work of Henri Lefebvre and scholarship from Human Geography to find ways to examine transnational advocacy as the ongoing process resulting from intersecting and diverse experiences of individuals and groups. In so doing, it aims further to redefine the spatiality of activism, by questioning how advocates determine the physical borders within which they function alongside those cognitive borders to which they attach themselves, and how those very borders are constantly redefined by their interactions. Using illustrative examples from Asia, this article proposes the need to rethink the transnational along three intersecting dimensions.

Most professionals working in health or social care will be required to act as advocates as part of their work. A social worker or community nurse may need to obtain extra benefits or a particular service for a client; a housing official may need to help a tenant whose benefit has been delayed thus placing them at risk of homelessness; a voluntary body may decide to challenge a statement of special educational needs for a child. This is a practical guide to advocacy skills specifically written for those in the health and social care professions. Neil Bateman examines the function of advocacy w

The main role of School Counselors in the Era of the Indonesian Revolution 4.0, is expected to formulate various types of counseling guidance services that are appropriate to the needs of students in this era. One type of school counselor services in providing services to students needed in this era is an advocacy service that refers to Permendikbud No. 111 (2014) although in this regulation we only get very limited information about advocacy, but it is expected that in its implementation, school counselors will be able to interpret and carry out advocacy at the micro and macro levels. Counselors should be able to: (1) empower students by helping them develop advocacy skills, (2) conduct relevant negotiation efforts to help students access resources, (3) build collaborative relationships with relevant community institutions to overcome various challenges, ( 4) implementing advocacy ideas at the system level, (5) communicating relevant information to the public, and (6) engaging in social / political advocacy activities. Advocacy services are counselor services in schools that are intended to assist students who experience non-educational, discriminatory, malpractice, violence, harassment, and criminal behavior. The function of counselor services in advocacy services, helps students gain learning about their rights and / or interests that are not getting much attention. Therefore, the role of counselors in advocacy services is very important in the process of counseling guidance services in schools. So the counselor must have the ability to guide students well. In order for counselors to be able to provide optimal guidance services to students, the counselor must be able to understand the characteristics of the counselee.

Policy advocacy is a fundamental component of nursing's social mandate. While it has become a core function of nursing organizations across the globe, the discourse around advocacy has focused largely on the responsibilities and accountabilities of individual nurses, with little attention to the policy advocacy work undertaken by nursing organizations. To strengthen this critical function, an understanding of the extant literature is needed to identify areas that require further research. We conducted a scoping review to examine the nature, extent, and range of scholarly work focused on nursing organizations and policy advocacy. A systematic search of six databases produced 4,731 papers and 68 were included for analysis and synthesis. Findings suggest that the literature has been increasing over the years, is largely non-empirical, and covers a broad range of topics ranging from the role and purpose of nursing organizations in policy advocacy, the identity of nursing organizations, the development and process of policy advocacy initiatives, the policy advocacy products of nursing organizations, and the impact and evaluation of organizations' policy advocacy work. Based on the review, we identify several research gaps and propose areas for further research to strengthen the influence and impact of this critical function undertaken by nursing organizations.

Adherence to basic human rights norms has become an expected feature of states throughout the world. In Europe, the promotion and protection of human rights through national governments has been enhanced by the diversity of intergovernmental organizations committed to this cause. The latest addition to the continent's rights organizations arrived ten years ago when, based on the EU's Lisbon Treaty, the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) was created as a functional institution to highlight and improve human rights within EU member states. In contrast to other regulatory agencies in the EU, the FRA provides a research-based advisory function for EU institutions and legislation and performs a public-diplomacy function in promoting fundamental rights across EU member states.The linking of civil society with internal rights policies has yet produced very little scholarship. Markus Thiel's European Civil Society and Human Rights Advocacy not only fills this vacuum: it also offers a timely analysis in the context of Europe's proliferating human rights challenges, like the current refugee crises and the nationalist responses that geopolitical changes have provoked. European Civil Society and Human Rights Advocacy examines the interaction between the FRA and hundreds of transnational civil society organizations working with and on behalf of vulnerable populations in EU member states and probes the high normative standards of human rights attainment and transnational participatory governance in the EU.Thiel surveys how networking among civil society organizations takes place, to what extent they are able to set the agenda or insert themselves into EU decision-making procedures, and how they are able to exploit the opportunity structure presented by the FRA's institutionalization of a voice for civil society. Thiel draws conclusions for the larger issues of human rights promotion, transnational citizenship, and participatory governance in the region, reflecting broadly and critically on the legitimacy of EU human rights norms through a political sociology perspective.

This article sets out to identify a culture of advocacy that has come to characterise Swedish civil society, formed around a long-standing tradition of close and cordial relations between civil society organisations, popular movements, and state and government officials. We argue that Swedish civil society organisations (CSOs) have been allowed to voice critique against public actors and policies and are expected to do so. Based on a large survey of Swedish CSOs, this study contributes unique data on what type of advocacy strategies CSOs practise, and the range of advocacy strategies that organisations employ. The analysis also explores norm-breaking behaviour, such as holding back criticism of public authorities. The results reveal a complex picture of a culture of advocacy: we find patterns of intense political activity among organisations that admit they hold back in their criticism of public authorities and the use of a wide range of advocacy strategies. The article contributes to and challenges established advocacy research and analyses established patterns of organisations' advocacy activities with the symbolic acts of breaking norms, as an analytical approach for the study of advocacy strategies in general and advocacy culture in particular. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv

This article attempts to shed light on the dynamics and machinations within terrorist organizations by incorporating a heretofore overlooked literature which is directly applicable, that of transnational advocacy networks (TANs). Terror networks have been described using every possible analogy, from multinational corporations to organized crime to the anthropomorphic classic "cut off the head, and the body will die." In reality, terrorist organizations function in much the same way, and using many of the same techniques, as transnational advocacy networks concerned with issues like the environment or human rights. By describing these characteristics, and comparing TANs and Terror TANs (TTANs), this article aims to offer insight into the tactics and motivations that define modern, as well as the much heralded post-modern, terrorism. Adapted from the source document.