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AIM: To evaluate the hearing thresholds in individuals aged above 65 years attending the Government General Hospital and among the people attending the hearing screening done in the city of Thiruvananthapuram. The study also includes the review of the literature on ARHL. MATERIALS AND METHODS: 185 individuals aged above 65 years are evaluated for hearing thresholds with the help of pure tone audiometry and speech audiometry. Among the 185 individuals 102 are patients attending the Department of ENT for the complaints of loss of hearing. The remaining 83 individuals are from the survey conducted to screen for hearing loss in the city of Thiruvananthapuram for the population aged above 65 years. Demographic data about the 185 individuals is collected. Pure tone audiogram and speech audiometry is done in all the patients. CONCLUSIONS: PTA and SRT values are similar in both the groups. Early old age groups presented with mild to severe types of deafness and loss in lower frequencies. Late old aged people showed profound hearing loss and increased thresholds in higher frequencies. SRT estimation seemed more sensitive than calculating PTA in the persons above 85 years. Females showed 5 to 10 dB lower PTA values than males in all ages.

In many ways, American democracy seems to work better for older citizens than younger citizens, and one explanation is that young adults vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. Yet while the existence of the age gap in turnout is well established, there remains uncertainty as to what drives it. In this paper, we explore age as a potentially important group identity and evaluate whether strength of age-group identity predicts political participation. Adapting established measures in the social identity literature, we surveyed a representative sample of American adults to gauge how strongly they identified with others in their age group. We find that, on average, younger adults identify less strongly than senior citizens with others their age. However, for young adults, age-group identity is as strong as another form of group identity that has gotten considerable attention in the literature: political party identity. The strength of age-group identity also predicts both voting and participating in climate change protests, especially for young adults. Age-group identity is a stronger predictor of climate protest participation for young Republicans than young Democrats—suggesting there may be potential for a bipartisan coalition of young people active on the issue of climate change.

Introduction: Poisoning in children is a common and preventable cause of morbidity and mortality. Our environment is still not child-safe and the medications are not dispensed in a child-safe manner. The incidence of childhood poisoning in India varies from 0.3 to 7.6 percent. Poisoning accounts for 0.03% of mortality in infants, 0.16% in preschool age group and 0.37% of in five to fourteen year's age group as per the statistics projected by Government of India. The poisoning in paediatric age group includes obsolescent traditional poisons, the in fashion intoxications with recreational drugs as well as chronic exposure to industrial chemicals. The peak incidence of accidental overdoses is in the second year of life and 85% of accidental poisoning affect children under five years of age. Methodology: This is a prospective case controlled study done over a period of two years. The study was conducted in S C B Medical College, Cuttack, Odisha. Results: The poisoning constitutes 1.15% of total paediatric admissions. The commonest type of poisoning was due to Non-Medicaments (56 cases – 78.87%), out of which the commonest poisoning was due to hydrocarbons. Conclusion: Non medicament ingestions particularly kerosene still one of the very common toxic ingestion in children used in accidental poisoning cases.

AbstractProminent theories claim that young Europeans are increasingly socialist as well as divided from their elders on non‐economic issues. This paper asks whether age‐based polarisation is really growing in Europe, using new estimates of the ideological positions of different age groups in 27 European countries across four issue domains from 1981 to 2018. The young in Europe turn out to be relatively libertarian: more socially liberal than the old in most countries but also more opposed to taxation and government spending. These age divides are not growing either: today's differences over social issues and immigration are similar in size to the 1980s, and if anything are starting to fall. Analysis of birth cohorts points to persistent cohort effects and period effects as the explanation for these patterns; there is little evidence that European cohorts become uniformly more right‐wing or left‐wing with age. Hence age‐based polarisation need not be a permanent or natural feature of European politics but is dependent on the changing social, political and economic climate.

How and how much are ideological dimensions associated with vote choice among different age groups? Distinct socialisation experiences and life-cycle effects should lead to age group differences in the use of ideological dimensions. We test our hypotheses using a 2009 Austrian cross-sectional survey. We find that the extent of the association between ideological dimensions and vote choice is significant and similar across all age groups. However, the nature of the association depends on the type of party considered. Positions on the socio-cultural dimension are associated with voting for New Politics parties far more than positions on the socio-economic dimension; the latter distinguishes well between support for the two Old Politics parties. Overall, age group differences are surprisingly small in both the extent and nature of the association between ideological views and vote choice: there is only isolated evidence that the use of ideological dimensions differs across age groups. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Purpose.To investigate relationships among youth risk behaviors and demographic factors using an adolescent age group approach.Design.Cross-sectional data from a randomly selected population. Risk behaviors were compared within specific demographic factors and by adolescent age groups.Setting.Racially diverse, inner-city neighborhoods in two midwestern cities.Subjects.Teenagers (n = 1350) and parents (n = 1350) of the teenagers.Measures.Truancy; arrested/picked up by police; weapon carrying; fighting; sexual intercourse; tobacco, alcohol, and other drug use; demographic factors; and family structure.Results.Youth mean age was 15.4 (±1.7) years and 52% were female; racial/ethnic characteristics were 47% White, 22% Black, 19% Hispanic, and 10% Native American. Parents' mean age was 42.2 (±8.4) years and 81% were female. χ2analyses indicated numerous significant (p < .05) youth risk behavior differences within the demographic factors and that many of the differences varied by adolescent age group. For example, risk behavior differences within racial/ethnic groups were most profound in the middle and older age groups, whereas risk behavior differences within parent income, education levels, and family structure were most apparent in the younger age groups. Of the demographic factors, family structure was most frequently associated with the risk behaviors.Conclusions.The results generally suggest that the relationships among risk behaviors and demographic factors vary within the adolescent age groups included in this study. The results will be useful for developing age-appropriate prevention programs for youth who fit the profile for these risk behaviors. The study protocol also includes specific sampling methods that may be useful for future studies that intend to collect data from difficult-to-reach populations.

PurposeThis research aims to illustrate the differential treatment of children and pensioners in Russia and to explain why this has not led to age group conflict through an illustration of age group interdependency.Design/methodology/approachAge group conflict is revealed through analysis of the government's policies to age groups and expenditure preferences. Interdependency is analysed by the calculation of poverty rates and contribution of age specific benefits, using nationally representative sample survey data.FindingsThe Russian government treated pensioners preferentially to children, even though children were at higher risk of poverty. However, within each age group poverty rates are mediated by household structures. Pensioners who live with children face higher poverty rates than the average for pensioners and those who co‐reside with lone mothers face the highest poverty rates of all pensioners, while their pension contribution to the household is of vital significance. Children living with one grandparent face higher poverty rates than average, whereas and those living with two grandparents face lower poverty rates.Research limitations/implicationsThe structure of intergenerational relationships and financial solidarity between generations provide essential context for understanding individual welfare in Russia.Practical implicationsChildren's downgraded status in Russian society needs to be urgently addressed. Lone mothers, their children and their parents face the highest poverty rates and need of support. Amongst pensioners, women pensioners are particularly at risk.Originality/valueThe originality is in using two opposing perspectives on relations between age groups to show that preferential treatment of pensioners coexists with a high degree of financial linkage between generations.