Conflict and Insurgency in the Contemporary Middle East
In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 124-125
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
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In: Mezinárodní vztahy: Czech journal of international relations, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 124-125
ISSN: 0543-7989, 0323-1844
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 1, S. 204-207
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 11, Heft 21, S. 145-147
ISSN: 1331-5595
In: Posebna izdanja
In: Serija: Monumenta historica Ragusina 9
Prikaz kataloga izložbe: Germano Celant, Chiara Costa, ur. Post Zang Tumb Tuuum. Art, Life, Politics: Italia 1918–1943, katalog izložbe. Milano: Fondazione Prada, 2018. (ISBN 9788887029710) ; Exhibition catalogue rewiev: Germano Celant, Chiara Costa, ed. Post Zang Tumb Tuuum. Art, Life, Politics: Italia 1918–1943, exhibition catalogue, Milano: Fondazione Prada, 2018. (ISBN 9788887029710)
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Autor se pita: što se događa s umjetnošću kad elite shvate vrijednost umjetnosti, umjetnika i kritičara za svoje potrebe, to jest potrebe onih koji određuju što je politički korektno, odnosno što doprinosi njihovim političkim, društvenim i novčanim interesima. Pri tome je autor beskompromisan, ne štedi niti naručitelje, niti umjetnike, niti kritičare, niti publiku, niti struku povijesti umjetnosti, pa niti nespretne i ignorantske birokrate EU. No ta kritička oštrina koja je u potpunosti opravdana, iznesena je na maštovit i duhovit način, kao analiza i dobrodošla kritika ljudske gluposti, hipokrizije i taštine uopće. Autor zaključuje da je usprkos svih pritisaka i povijesnih vrludanja umjetnost kao otjelotvorenje duha najbolje što imamo, uz kreativnu znanost i ljubav, te prepoznaje vrlo maštovit, no ustvari i vrlo uvjerljiv i logičan vid umjetničkog stvaranja u kojem svako biće može biti (odnosno podsvjesno i jest) umjetnik-stvaratelj i umjetnik doživljavanja.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 45, Heft 3-4, S. 286-290
Padom Zapadnog Rimskog Carstva 476. poslije Kr. te ulaskom Gota u Rim, Europa se raspala na mnogo tada neorganiziranih, nepovezanih entiteta koji su započinjali izgradnju vlastitoga kulturnog i političkog identiteta. Kako je vrijeme prolazilo, tako se sve više gubio jedan unificirani mjerni sustav (rekli bismo: antički SI sustav mjera) te sve ono kulturno i tehnološko naslijeđe koje je Rim nakon sebe ostavio. Mjerni sustav uvijek je potreban da bi bilo koji vid društvene aktivnosti uopće opstao. S obzirom da je područje rimskog utjecaja bilo ogromno, a da je na njemu nastalo mnogo novih entiteta, nisu se uspjeli zadržati već uvriježeni mjerni sustavi nego su se počeli stvarati i upotrebljavati lokalni sustavi. Uporaba lokalnih mjernih sustava bila je katkad toliko rascjepkana da su gradovi koji su jedni drugima vidjeli zidine imali potpuno drugačije definirane odnose unutar mjernih sustava. Opisivanje svih mjernih jedinica tijekom srednjeg vijeka zahtijevalo bi puno vremena. Ovdje će biti opisano sve ono što se odnosi na mjerenje mase, što izravno ili neizravno utječe na točnost odnosno bolje rečeno vjerodostojnost izmjera, poglavito pri obavljanju razmjene novca u trgovanju na područjima s različitim mjernim sustavima. Te pojave često su iskorištavali ovlašteni mjenjači novca koji su na "zakonit" način potkradali drugu stranu.
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As with other communist successor parties, Germany's Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) enjoyed a political comeback in the mid-1990s. The PDS's success can be explained by many eastern German voters' disenchantment with the social, cultural, and economic effects of reunification as well as by the distinctive regional and fragmented character of the German Political Party System that allows the PDS, as the self-proclaimed defender of "eastern interests," disproportionate political influence. The PDS is faced with a dilemma, however. In the long-term it will have to become a true all-German party of the left if it wishes to survive electorally. Yet in becoming an all-German party the PDS risks losing the distinctive eastern identity that has been so essential to its success hitherto. ; As with other communist successor parties, Germany's Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) enjoyed a political comeback in the mid-1990s. The PDS's success can be explained by many eastern German voters' disenchantment with the social, cultural, and economic effects of reunification as well as by the distinctive regional and fragmented character of the German Political Party System that allows the PDS, as the self-proclaimed defender of "eastern interests," disproportionate political influence. The PDS is faced with a dilemma, however. In the long-term it will have to become a true all-German party of the left if it wishes to survive electorally. Yet in becoming an all-German party the PDS risks losing the distinctive eastern identity that has been so essential to its success hitherto.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 258-260
Socialism was born out of the belief in the bright future of mankind. Thus, the utopian vision of classless society occupied the minds of the early communist avant-garde. Yet, such hopes did not survive the initial revolutionary enthusiasm. As the social organization of the 'real socialism' turned out to be a rigid bureaucratic system, the visions of the 'bright future' were replaced by the 'picture of the golden age', namely the image of the revolution itself. Accordingly, rituals commemorating the 'founding fathers of socialism' substituted the ritualized commitments to building the 'ideal society of equals'. The ideological content of socialism vanished. Past memories occupied the present. With the breakdown of communism the present could for a moment release itself from the iron grip of the past. The "envelope of the unhistorical" seemed to be open for the deeds of new reformers. Yet, the present could not escape too far. It was almost immediately caught again either by the past or by the future. In the first case, post-communist nationalisms (Brubaker 1996) monopolized the political field; in the second case, the "scientists of the not yet" (Stark and Bruszt 1998: 1-11) disseminated their neoliberal visions of free-market economy. As a result, the present was defined either in terms of national myths going far back to history or by visions to be realized by imitation of the Western model of capitalism. The focus of this paper is the different paths taken by different countries in the region after the collapse of socialism. The paper distinguishes between the 'nationalizing alternative' as one basic direction, and the 'catching up option' as another one. The paper further argues that this dichotomy itself forms around two clusters of several potential stances which could have been taken in the process of transformations. The goal of the paper is to propose a general framework, with the help of which the interactions 'behind' the political decisions taken by political elites in the post-socialist countries ...
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 4, Heft 3-4, S. 215-216
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 208-211