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International conference on Women, Water and Peace in the Middle East, which was convened at MEF campus on 18-19 March 2016 was co-hosted by MEF University, Istanbul and the Strategic Foresight Group (SFG), Mumbai with support from the Swedish International Development Agency, Stockholm. The meeting brought together 60 thought leaders and women opinion makers from Iraq, Jordan Lebanon and Turkey as key participants, including former Ministers, Members of Parliament, government officials, academics and editors of newspapers. ; the Swedish International Development Agency, Stockholm.

Since the end of the Cold War, European security concerns have focused increasingly on the potential for instability on Europe's southern flank. In 1995, the European Union developed a framework for cooperation with the southern Mediterranean nations. These efforts have included some relatively ineffective programs to promote democracy in the region. In the aftermath of 9/11, the goal of encouraging the development of Middle East democracy has acquired greater urgency, not least in the eyes of the United States, which has bolstered its own efforts to spur democratic reform. ; "October 2004." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Since the end of the Cold War, European security concerns have focused increasingly on the potential for instability on Europe's southern flank. In 1995, the European Union developed a framework for cooperation with the southern Mediterranean nations. These efforts have included some relatively ineffective programs to promote democracy in the region. In the aftermath of 9/11, the goal of encouraging the development of Middle East democracy has acquired greater urgency, not least in the eyes of the United States, which has bolstered its own efforts to spur democratic reform. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A review of Helicobacter pylori in the Middle East is presented. Prevalence studies have been performed in asymptomatic population groups from Algeria, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. These showed that the prevalence of H. pylori is similar to that of the developing countries of the world with a high level of infection in childhood (40 to 70 percent), which increases with age to 85 to 90 percent. Israel, however, has a low prevalence in children (10 percent), but there is a rapid rise in the second decade of life to 39 percent, reaching 79 percent in those over 60 years old. The prevalence rates were higher in those living in communal settlements (72 percent) than in urban dwellers (65 percent). The infection rates were higher in persons of Mediterranean and Asian origin (89 percent) compared to those of Western European/North American origin (57 percent). The prevalence rate of H. pylori infection in patients undergoing endoscopy for upper gastrointestinal symptoms has now been reported from many Middle Eastern countries, including Egypt, Iran, Israel, Oman, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen. These studies showed that patients with gastritis and peptic ulcer disease had similar rates of infection as reported from Europe, United States and Africa (71 to 92 percent). However, patients with non-ulcer dyspepsia had higher rates of infection (61 to 89 percent). The H. pylori scenario from the prevalence rates, treatment protocols and responses to treatment does not differ very much from other developing areas of the world.

The focus of this study is to understand the process of regional role formation and if and how China's regional economic presence and its global 'rise' are transmitted into a regional political role. Today, China is becoming more economically involved in nearly all regions of the world and this often leads observers to conclude that China is becoming a 'global power' or a 'superpower'. What this assumption often overlooks, is how this is new presence of China is perceived by regional states, and if and how this regional perception feeds back into China's thinking about its own role. If the economic capabilities are not the only decisive factor in attributing or choosing foreign policy roles, then the puzzle should be why certain states chose certain roles, or are attributed certain roles, even if their capabilities would allow them alternative ones. Two theoretical concepts will be used in this study to help us understand how China is evolving as an international actor. First, the concept of 'role' as described in constructivist role theory, as a pattern of behaviour that limits and enables the behaviour of international actors, and second, the 'region', in a constructivist sense as a Regional Security Complex (RSC), as the constitutive arena in which roles of actors are formed in a discursive process. China's role in the Middle East therefore is less a function of its growing capabilities, and more a result of socialization between China and Middle Eastern countries. Distinguishing four different levels of discourses has been a useful analytical framework as it enables us to understand the different perspectives of China, the regional debate, the Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian domestic discourses and those of the other international actors. While it remains difficult to clearly delimit the different levels, especially the regional and the domestic level, it still allows us to identify the three main findings: The 'knowledge gap' between China and the Arab states; substantial differences in the framing of political identity and roles; and most importantly the differing role conceptions and expectations between China and the Arab states, which in turn are a result of both knowledge gap and cultural differences. The historical roles ascribed to external powers in the Middle Eastern RSC differ fundamentally from the Chinese historical experience. While 'anti-imperialist' rhetoric is used in the Middle East as frequently as in China, outside intervention has been a permanent characteristic of the Middle Eastern RSC. In the Chinese debate before the Arab Spring, the Middle East also had the role of an ideological ally as the only region in the world where there is no functioning democracy, and a good argument for the concept of political order being based on culture. With the Arab Spring, the Chinese perception changed and the Middle East was now seen even more as a source of instability and danger to the Chinese domestic order. China tried to counter this threat in its debate by focusing on the causes of the Arab Spring as typically Arab and emphasizing that the Chinese political system has been more effective in meting its people's needs. Accordingly, from 2013 onwards China actively tried to address its role conflict in the Middle East and Xi Jinping substantiated China's willingness for a role change in October 2013 by publicising the 'One Belt –One Road' framework, now named 'Belt and Road Initiative' not only as a revival of the old silk road, but more importatnly as an attempt to negotiate China's new roles – globally and in the Middle East.

Water shortages have been for a long time a serious problem in the Middle East as well as other parts of the world. The large and arid land of the Middle East has also been dependant on water which is provided by few rivers. This issue has been tackled by researchers, orientalists and exploration associations (Palestine Exploration Fund 1882, and Oliphant, 1880). The aim of this paper is to tackle ways of managing and solving chromic water shortages and hydropolitical tensions in the Middle East. None of the Middle Eastern Countries enjoys water surplus with exception of Turkey. Fortunately, some Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman which suffers from water shortages enjoys fuel surplus. These countries are trying to solve their water shortages by using underground water and heavily investing in water desalination. Other countries like Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Iraq are losing their grip on their national water as a result of sever and perpetuated conflicts which have never ended since the First World War. In terms of technological progress Middle Eastern countries are also differentiated. In this respect, Turkey managed to develop itself and upgrade its social and economic conditions, but most of Arab countries are lacking behind. All of Middle Eastern countries enjoy and share rich cultural heritages related to water management and consumption. Such a richness will help to upgrade peoples' awareness regarding water consumptions and uses in different economic sectors. Middle Eastern countries suffer from physical water scarcity and the neighboring regions in Africa, Europe and Latin America suffers from economic water scarcity. In addition the regions are of little or no water scarcity lie in Northern Eurasia and Antarctica. As a result of these differences, this paper will suggest ways in which concerned countries and professional organizations may take part in bridging the gap between such physical and economic water scarcities. A projected model of cooperation between Middle Eastern countries in terms of natural resources, cultural, economic, and social enterprises needs to be developed. In addition, International community has to take part in introducing solutions to conflicts of Arabs and Israel, Iraq, Iran, Cyprus, Afghanistan, and Yemen.

Concepts of security, conflict and war lie at the heart of the international relations discipline. These concepts have gained tremendous attention either by the end of the Cold War or after the attacks of 9/11 on the United States. This thesis examines the various theories of security in the literature and demonstrates the importance of the region as a crucial level of analysis in International Relations. The primary objective of this thesis is to explore security structures in the Middle East. This region, which is known for its paramount security problems, has long been an area of conflict and turbulence. Since 1948, the region has been witnessing an average of a war every ten years, and since 1975, two wars every ten years, if civil wars are counted. Similarly, on the strategic level, the Middle East is one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world with the highest rate of arms purchase, which aggravates its acute security dilemma. The result of this study highlights the importance of studying security characteristics of the Middle East states, which is totally different from the developed countries' security agenda in general, and other developing countries in particular. The conclusion contends that the "multidimensional" security problems of the Middle East region can not be easily understood through one theory. Rather a blend of theories or "amalgamated theories" only can offer a plausible and adequate explanation for understanding the security complexities of the Middle East. This can also help in achieving a "security community" in the region, which is of great importance nowadays due to the great challenges imposed on the region either externally or internally.

In peacemaking in the former Ottoman Empire, a discrepancy developed between the discursive power of the Paris Peace Conference to make treaties, and the material power to determine the situation on the ground. In the Arabic-speaking lands, the Great Powers papered over this situation with League of Nations Mandates. These raised as many questions as they answered. In Anatolia, Mustafa Kemal's emerging ethno-nationalist state sharply demarcated the power of the Allies to make peace. Yet the discursive power of the Conference did not entirely disappear, as post-Ottoman Turkey sought to join the new international system on terms it considered acceptable.

The Iraq crisis has not only highlighted the absence of a cohesive European foreign policy, but has also revealed that European countries are unable to agree on what issues should be given priority by EU action. The establishment of a coherent Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is one of the biggest challenges currently faced by the EU. A common EU strategy for the Middle East is pivotal to the CFSP, given the fact that numerous international conflicts stem from this area: the upsurge of Islamic terrorism, instability in Iraq, or the failure of the peace process. European countries agree with the United States on the need to maintain stability in the region, to foster political and economic change, and to grant oil supply at reasonable prices. However, the EU and the United States are split in their position towards how to reach their goals. A growing unilateralism has been the trademark of the US administration's foreign policy since President George W. Bush came to power. This policy has had a negative impact on the US transatlantic partnership. Even though the EU and the United States have made a similar analysis of the current situation in the Middle East, they argue over what measures to take in the coming years: While Washington advocates a merciless war on terrorism based on American military supremacy, Brussels calls for the need to consider the social, political and economic side to the problem as well. ; University of Miami; EU Commission.

The article analyzes the consequences of socio-political transformation in the Arab world for the wider region of the Middle East. After a review of the historical background, the author draws conclusions for world order in the context of a new balance of power.

Following the Brexit referendum the UK is leaving the EU and this means that the UK no longer stands together with the EU on the international scene. The British Prime Minister Theresa May has recently invoked the EU Treaty Article 50 initiating the Brexit process and obviously the UK leaders know they will face severe challenges securing the best foreign policy agreements possible. In the Middle East the UK hopes to renew old trade agreements, some of which are related to arms sales back from the times of Margaret Thatcher, but also to take care of more recent security interests related to the fight against ISIS and the migration crisis. ; Following the Brexit referendum the UK is leaving the EU and this means that the UK no longer stands together with the EU on the international scene. The British Prime Minister Theresa May has recently invoked the EU Treaty Article 50 initiating the Brexit process and obviously the UK leaders know they will face severe challenges securing the best foreign policy agreements possible. In the Middle East the UK hopes to renew old trade agreements, some of which are related to arms sales back from the times of Margaret Thatcher, but also to take care of more recent security interests related to the fight against ISIS and the migration crisis.

This research paper explores the trends of presenting political and social realities in Arabic children's literature through a content analysis of 26 award-winning Arabic children's books published between 2011 and 2018 — after the Arab Spring. The origins of Arabic children's books are first investigated from a number of different standpoints, and are shown to have traditional, religious, and global ties. I also explore the recent rise of interest in creating Arabic literary works for young children. I deduce that the causes of this increase are a cultural reawakening, globalization, and government support and funding. Finally, the 26 children's books studied show links between the ethnicity of their authors, their dates of publication, and the illustrations and themes that appear in them. This provides support for the idea that Arabic political reality is often reflected in Arabic children's literature.

Headlines reading: "Corruption Means the Poor Stay Poor in Oil-Rich State"3 or "Millionaire Mullahs"4 have become all too common. In fact, one is often hard pressed to pick up a reputable newspaper without some sort of corruption story on the politics, business or even in the sports pages. In countries developed and developing, large or small, market-oriented or otherwise, governments have been scarred by corruption scandals. In some cases, not only have prominent politicians lost their official positions, but entire governments have collapsed or been replaced.

The authors explore global citizenship education at a boarding school in Jordan that aims to prepare democratically minded leaders for the Middle East.

This thesis assesses the current rights of women in Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Within each case study, four main factors are measured based on their individual influence in each state. The first factor, historical context, examines various historical influences and their effect on the empowerment of women in their country. The second factor, the socio-cultural context, describes social and ethnical effects on society such as the influence of tribal lineage. The third factor researched is the political structure of the state and the impact that each different political system has upon gender equality in that region. The fourth and final factor is the economic system and the various economic determinants that influence the presence of women in the economy. Subsequently, the conclusion cross analyzes these factors and their distinctive and comparative impact across each region. This thesis attempts to offer an introductory glimpse into the various factors that may hinder empowerment of women in these regions. This information is imperative in order to understand how these states can develop policies that will empower women economically, politically, and socially. ; 2017-05-01 ; B.A. ; College of Sciences, Political Science ; Bachelors ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Religion in the Middle East seems to define allies and enemies inside and outside the political borders. On the one hand, Shiite Iran is allies with the Iraqi government, the Houthi rebels in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, revolutionary forces in Bahrain and the Syrian regime. On the other hand, Sunni Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States, Egypt, Turkey and Sunni elements in the region form an alliance against what they call the expansion of the Iranian influence. There is an unmistaken pattern of alliance in the Middle East, in which states, monarchies and forces seem to define their allies and enemies based on sectarian dimensions, and by which we witness a minority oppressing a majority when it is possible and vice versa across the Middle East including Israel.