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Vor dem historischen Hintergrund unterscheidet sich das russisch- deutsche Verhältnis radikal von früheren Perioden: Deutschland und Rußland - die extremen Kräfte von rechts und links in Moskau ausgenommen - haben in bilateralen und internationalen Dokumenten das Konzept einer antiwestlich und antiliberal ausgerichteten "besonderen Mission" überwunden, bekennen sich gemeinsam zu den Werten und Prinzipien europäischer Kooperation und sehen die bilateralen Beziehungen als ergänzende und stabilisierende Elemente gesamteuropäischer Zusammenarbeit. Für Rußland ist dabei von besonderer Bedeutung, in Deutschland einen tatkräftigen Anwalt für seine Einbeziehung in europäische und internationale Organisationen zu finden. Der Tschetschenienkrieg, die russischen Ansprüche gegenüber Staaten der GUS und die Ablehung einer Osterweiterung der Nato durch Rußland wirken sich jedoch negativ auf das russisch-deutsche Verhältnis aus. (BIOst-Mrk)

Western media never had any problem with health statistics from Gaza — until Israel was accused of bombing a hospital there. For years, English-speaking journalists straightforwardly cited reports from the "Palestinian health ministry in Gaza," using its official name. But after the October 17 attack on Al-Ahli Baptist Hospital, media outlets began portraying the ministry as an arm of the rebel force Hamas.Foreign journalists had struggled to make sense of the carnage on October 17, and whether Israeli or Palestinian forces were to blame. The New York Times edited its headline several times, and initially reports may have overstated how many hundreds died. The Israeli army and U.S. President Joe Biden took advantage of the confusion to cast doubt on the truthfulness of Gaza's medical authorities.The stakes are critical. The health ministry has reported over 11,000 Palestinian deaths, nearly half a percent of Gaza's entire population, including thousands of children. Even though U.S. officials have come to accept the accuracy of those numbers, the damage to the health ministry's credibility is done.Meanwhile, the Israeli military has moved from attacking the health authorities' claims to marking them as military targets. Israeli forces raided Al-Shifa Hospital, the health ministry's headquarters, on Wednesday. Hundreds of doctors, patients, and displaced people have evacuated since. The health ministry has reported severe difficulties updating the death toll due to Israeli attacks, communications blackouts, and the sheer volume of casualties.Israeli and U.S. attempts to change the conversation have largely succeeded. Before the current war, and even before the Ahli hospital bombing, descriptions like "Hamas-run," "Hamas-controlled," or "Hamas-affiliated" for the Palestinian health ministry were virtually non-existent, according to the News on the Web Corpus, a database of newspapers and magazines from 21 countries.Most Western English language media simply referred to the "Palestinian health ministry." Since the October 17 hospital attack, however, it is now more common to see the health ministry labeled as some variation of "Hamas-run" than "Palestinian."

The actual relationship between Gaza's health ministry and Hamas is complicated. Hamas took over as the governing authority in Gaza in the chaos around a 2007 coup d'etat attempt, splitting Palestinian ministries between staffers loyal to Hamas in Gaza and staffers loyal to the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.But the Gazan branch of the health ministry is not completely disconnected from the broader Palestinian medical system, or even the Israeli government. Officials in both the West Bank and Gaza report births and deaths to the same Israeli-controlled population registry. In response to Biden casting doubt on its statistics, the Palestinian health ministry released the name and ID number of every single identifiable person allegedly killed by the fighting.The current war began on October 7, when Hamas launched an unprecedented attack on Israeli villages, killing 1,200 people and taking around 240 hostages. The Israeli army released a video on Sunday purporting to show two wounded hostages being taken to Al-Shifa. Hamas itself released a video last month claiming to show an Israeli hostage being treated in a Palestinian hospital, but denied keeping any hostages in hospitals for non-medical reasons. The doubt surrounding the health ministry's objectivity only began after the Ahli hospital attack. On October 17, an explosion ripped through the courtyard of the hospital, where hundreds of displaced people had been sheltering. Health ministry officials held a press conference surrounded by corpses and accused Israel of committing a massacre.Israel claimed that a misfired Palestinian rocket had struck Al-Ahli, and presented several contradictory pieces of evidence for that scenario. (Outside investigations have been inconclusive so far, ruling out an Israeli aerial bomb but leaving open the possibility of some other type of Israeli or Palestinian weapon.) Israeli military spokesman Daniel Hagari complained the next day that "many media outlets immediately reported the unverified claims by Hamas, the lies by Hamas."Biden jumped in a week later, stating that he "had no notion that the Palestinians are telling the truth about how many people are killed." He also privately complained about the New York Times' headlines on Al-Ahli during a meeting with Wall Street bankers, Semafor reported."We all know that the Gazan ministry of health is just a front for Hamas. It's run by Hamas, a terrorist organization," U.S. National Security Council spokesman John Kirby told reporters on October 26. "We can't take anything coming out of Hamas, including the so-called 'ministry of health,' at face value."The political pushback seems to have changed the overall tone of American news coverage. In the weeks after the Ahli attack, many English-language reporters appeared to hedge any Palestinian health ministry claims by noting Hamas's alleged control of the ministry.

The Associated Press, widely considered the gold standard in English-language reporting, used the term "Hamas-run health ministry" only five times before October 2023. During previous wars, the Associated Press often cited statistics from "the Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza."AP newswires have not used the phrase "Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza" since the Ahli hospital bombing, instead referring to the "Hamas-run Health Ministry" or the "Health Ministry in Hamas-run Gaza." It is unclear whether the change was a matter of policy, or simply an ad hoc decision by editors.The AP press office did not answer an email request for comment. Neither did the New York Times foreign desk, the Reuters newswire service, or the cable news station CNN.Some journalists have pushed back hard against the notion that Gaza's health authorities are a Hamas propaganda arm. The Washington Post ran a column on October 24 defending the accuracy of statistics from the Palestinian health ministry.In the meantime, Israeli forces have escalated their attacks on Palestinian health infrastructure. On November 3, the Israeli army bombed a Palestinian ambulance outside of Al-Shifa. On November 13, an Israeli bulldozer destroyed the Swedish Clinic in Al-Shati Refugee Camp, which had been bombed and overrun by Israeli forces the day before. A day later, the Israeli army shelled Al-Shifa and falsely claimed that misfired Palestinian rockets were to blame.Israel accuses Hamas of hiding fighters and holding Israeli hostages inside of hospitals. The White House has backed Israeli claims. Kirby, the U.S. spokesman, said on Tuesday that the United States has intelligence about Hamas's use of hospitals, including a "command and control node" under Al-Shifa. Biden echoed those claims after the Israeli raid on the hospital.Hagari, the Israeli army spokesman, brought foreign reporters to the basement of the abandoned Rantisi Hospital on Monday to view alleged proof of Hamas's presence. Israeli forces displayed weapons and explosives that they claimed to have found in the hospital, as well as a bullet-ridden motorcycle.Journalists were shown a chair with a woman's gown, a length of rope, and a baby bottle nearby. Hagari promised to test them for DNA evidence of hostages. Health ministry official Muhammad Zarqout told CNN that Palestinian women and children, not Israeli hostages or Hamas fighters, had been staying in the basement.Hagari also pointed to a chart on a wall, claiming that it was a "guarding list, every terrorist has his own shift." In fact, the chart was just a calendar with the days of the week written in Arabic. CNN aired Hagari's claim without pushing back. The Israeli army later chalked it up to a translation error, and CNN quietly removed that segment from videos posted online, according to the Huffington Post.After Wednesday's raid on Al-Shifa, the Israeli military shared images of its booty from the supposed Hamas stronghold: fifteen rifles, some grenades, and assorted body armor. "It's a hospital. There shouldn't be any assault rifles at a hospital," Kirby told reporters on Thursday, smirking.However, Human Rights Watch stated that the Israeli evidence was not sufficient to attack the hospitals. According to the Fourth Geneva Convention, the presence of "sick or wounded members of the armed forces" does not make a hospital a military target, even if those patients brought along "small arms and ammunition" with them.CNN and BBC reporters both found that Israeli troops may have tampered with the evidence at Al-Shifa Hospital, a claim that Hagari denies.Two days after the raid, The Economist reported that "Israeli intelligence officials do not believe that Hamas currently has its main headquarters—to the extent that such a thing exists—below the hospital. These, they say, have probably moved to Khan Younis" south of Gaza City.Meanwhile, U.S. officials have come around to accepting that Palestinians were telling the truth about their deaths — and may have actually understated the numbers."In this period of conflict and conditions of war, it is very difficult for any of us to assess what the rate of casualties are," Barbara Leaf, assistant U.S. secretary of state for Near Eastern Affairs, told Congress last week. "We think they're very high, frankly, and it could be that they're even higher than are being cited."

 Institut
d'Estudis Nord-americans  Blog 

Josep
M. Colomer: "The current political polarization of the United States originates
in its institutional system."

General newsPhotography: Alicia Colomer



By Marc Amat

On January 6, 2021, a mob of Donald
Trump supporters stormed the United States Capitol to get Vice President Mike
Pence and Congress to reject President-elect Joe Biden. This shocking event was
the result of a crescendo of political hostility that, for decades, had eroded
the institutional system of the United States. This is how prestigious
political scientist and economist Josep M. Colomer reads the situation in his
latest book La polarización política en Estados Unidos (Debate,
2023). In its pages, Colomer points out the institutional design of this North
American country – with the separation of powers between Congress and the
Presidency and only two parties – as being responsible for the constant
emergence of bitter political and territorial rivalries.

With a comprehensive tone and rhythmic
pace, Colomer weaves a lucid essay on how the deterioration of the
effectiveness of government can end up generating growing tensions in the
political scene. To do so, he draws on his long academic and professional
career. Currently, he is a professor of political science at Georgetown
University, in Washington D.C., and an associate researcher at the l'Institut
de Ciències Polítiques i Socials in Barcelona. How should we interpret the
assault on the Capitol? What symptoms of dysfunction exist in the U.S.
institutional system? What changes could be made to improve it? To analyze
these issues, this month we interview Josep M. Colomer.

On January 6, 2021, images of the assault on the United
States Capitol swept the world. How do you explain that occurrence?

It's been repeated many times in the
media that what we experienced was an unprecedented situation. However,
throughout history, the U.S. has faced several episodes of institutional
violence. If we look beyond the recent past, between 1830 and 1860 there was a
great escalation of tension and violence, even among the congressmen
themselves. With the abolition of slavery as a core issue, this dynamic led to
a bloody civil war, with 750,000 people dead, a figure that represented 2.5% of
the population of the United States at the time. Now, for almost three decades,
we've been experiencing another continuous increase in tension in American
domestic politics. This time it will not lead to a civil war, but it is
paralyzing politics. There are problems in approving budgets; in the recent
past there have been four impeachments, when there had only been one in the
19th century; it's extremely difficult to move forward with legislature…

Can we understand Donald Trump's rhetoric and the assault
on the Capitol as a culmination of this escalation?

It is a consequence. We have to look
for the beginning of the tensions in the mid-1990s. In 1994, the Republicans
won a majority in Congress after many years without it. From day one, they
acted to create a climate of political hostility against President Clinton.
They tried to overrule him, they dug up scandals… Today, this behavior still
continues: Republicans adopt a position of boycott towards institutions they do
not control.

And this causes the institutional system to falter.

It's not that the Republicans are
worse or more combative people: the problem lies in the country's own
institutional design, which creates incentives for this to happen. That's my
thesis.

So this is a problem with a long past. In fact, it originates
in the constitution itself.

In the 18th century, when the United
States approved its Magna Carta, they were undertaking an experiment: to
establish a republic in a large country. This did not exist anywhere, and in a
way, it could be said that the U.S. has had to pay for the novelty of this
undertaking. They drew up a constitution very much intended to defend
themselves against the British, French and Spanish armies, which still had
colonies at their borders. Therefore, foreign policy was the core element. With
the creation of the United States, the newly independent states that were part
of it wanted to have a firmer government. Throughout the centuries, foreign
policy has remained the axis of the American system. We saw this, for example,
during the Second World War or the Cold War. Now, with Russia and China there
is some nostalgia to relive times like the Cold War, though the present
situation is not comparable. When there is a clear and threatening enemy,
foreign policy takes over and the whole country pulls together to face the
threat. On the other hand, when the enemy is more abstract, a lot of internal
issues surface that have never been resolved.

Such as?

There are many of them. Obama's health
care program, which didn't quite work; issues related to education; border
control and the wave of immigrants who want to enter the country; the use of
firearms; abortion; legislation on transgender people; the constant racial
tensions… These are internal issues that have never been addressed. With the American
institutional system, resolving these conflicts through two institutions ruled
by two different parties blocking each other is very complicated. The parties
being unable to solve problems has led to the appearance of social movements
such as Me Too or Black Lives Matter, but also the Tea Party or the
anti-vaccine movement.



Has political polarization translated into growing social
polarization?

In some previous conflicts, such as
the years of the Cold War, the government tried to create a certain climate of
fear among the population. They were encouraged to build atomic shelters in
their homes, there were drills in schools… Most people, however, moved away
from the hysteria and led a normal life. In fact, in the 1950s, society
progressed a lot, with the massification of automobiles, the entry of television
and appliances into the household, Coca-Cola, Hollywood… Similarly, the current
polarization is much stronger politically than socially. In fact, the
polarization is inflammatory and a spectacle, but the vast majority of people
are not polarized. Only 2% of voters go to Donald Trump's rallies, for example.
He demonizes immigrants, but there is no news of civil conflict with
immigrants.

In your book, you often remind us that America is huge.

One of the things I least expected to
find in the country when I went to live there was the great territorial
fragmentation. This is not the United States of America: it is the Disunited
States of America. I can identify at least six different countries within its
borders, such as the East Coast, the Midwest, Texas, California, the South…
There are territories with great differences and certain sentiments towards
others, but they have built the nation based on sharing a flag, a currency and
a language.



Has the size of the country also conditioned the
effectiveness of the institutional system?

When they made the Constitution, the delegates were very
inspired by Montesquieu. In fact, the French thinker is the most cited author
in the deliberations of the Americans. The author could not speak English, but
he had visited England to analyze its political system and be able to describe
it in a chapter of the book The Spirit of the Laws (1748). In
the United States, they took this as a reference. The problem was that, in
reality, the British system that the intellectual described had been out of
date for over a century. The person who instructed him during the visit was a
monarchist who had been expelled years ago from the House of Lords for
conspiring to restore the absolute monarchy, had gone into exile in France and
spoke French. He explained Britain's medieval monarchy to Montesquieu,
Montesquieu reproduced it in his book and in Philadelphia, the delegates took
inspiration from it, replacing the king with an executive president with many
powers. The result was the creation of a republic in a huge country. It was
unprecedented. The model is still unique in the world, the Americans themselves
did not even implement it in other countries, such as Germany or Japan, after
the Second World War.

What measures do you think should be incorporated into the
system to combat the malfunction you describe?

I dedicate the last chapter of the
book to this. I make suggestions for institutional reforms, but I don't propose
a new constitution. I try to identify real examples that are already moving in
the right direction, such as the reform of the electoral system that already
works at the local and state levels in some states, with elections with a
second round. Cooperation should increase between Congress and the president.
Currently, there are already some department secretaries who periodically visit
Congress to report back. Cooperation between Washington and the states still
has much room for improvement. That role should be played by the Senate, but
it's too partisan. There is a way to go, and the Constitution would not need to
be changed much to move towards a more parliamentary system. But confrontational
partisanship makes institutional reforms very difficult.

Personal website: www.josepcolomer.com




La polarización política en Estados Unidos

Orígenes
y actualidad de un conflicto permanente

Josep
M. Colomer

Saber más

Josep M.
ColomerComing soon in English:CLICK - Taylor & Francis - Routledge

 

Entrepreneurship education dianggap mempunyai pengaruh terhadap nascent halalpreneurial intention. Penelitian ini menggunakan mahasiswa Muslim di Indonesia yang sedang atau telah menempuh mata kuliah kewirausahaan sebagai obyek penelitian. Selain itu, entrepreneurship education dapat menjadi faktor penting timbulnya commitment to entrepreneurship pada mahasiswa dan menumbuhkan niat berbisnis dikalangan mahasiswa. Hal ini karena entrepreneurship diakui sebagai cara untuk menciptakan lapangan kerja dan mengurangi pengangguran. Menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif dan kuesioner yang disebarkan secara online kepada responden mahasiswa Muslim, ditemukan bahwa entrepreneurship education dan commitment to entrepreneurship berkaitan dengan nascent halalpreneurial intention pada mahasiswa Muslim di Surabaya. Kata Kunci: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. ABSTRACT Entrepreneurship education is considered to have an influence on nascent halalpreneurial intention. This study uses Muslim students in Indonesia who are currently taking or have taken entrepreneurship courses as research objects. In addition, entrepreneurship education can be an important factor in generating commitment to entrepreneurship among students and fostering business intentions among students. This is because entrepreneurship is recognized as a way to create jobs and reduce unemployment. Using quantitative research methods and questionnaires distributed online to Muslim student respondents, it was found that entrepreneurship education and commitment to entrepreneurship were related to nascent halalpreneurial intention to Muslim students in Surabaya. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Adam, A., & Fayolle, A. (2015). Bridging the entrepreneurial intention-behaviour gap: The role of commitment and implementation intention. International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business, 25(1), 36-54. Alam, M. Z., Kousar, S., Rehman, C. A. (2019). Role of entrepreneurial motivation on entrepreneurial intentions and behaviour: Theory of planned behaviour extension on engineering students in Pakistan. Journal of Global Entrepreneurship Research, 9(10), 1-20. Ayalew, M. M. (2020). Bayesian hierarchical analyses for entrepreneurial intention of students. Journal of Big Data, 7(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40537-020-00293-x. Badan Pusat Statistik. (2020). Tingkat pengangguran terbuka (TPT) sebesar 7,07 persen. Retrieved from https://www.bps.go.id/pressrelease/2020/11/05/1673/agustus-2020--tingkat-pengangguran-terbuka--tpt--sebesar-7-07-persen.html. Baliamoune-Lutz, M., & Garello, P. (2015). 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(2018). https://republika.co.id/berita/ekonomi/korporasi/18/10/18/pgsax3383enggartiasto-tingkat kewirausahaan-di-indonesia-rendah Jena, R. K. (2020). Measuring the impact of business management Student's attitude towards entrepreneurship education on entrepreneurial intention: A case study. Computers in Human Behavior, 107(December 2018), 106275. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2020.106275 Kementerian Agama Republik Indonesia. (2017). Terjemahan Al-Qur'an. Jakarta: Kemenag RI. Kibler, E. (2012). Formation of entrepreneurial intentions in a regional context. Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 25(3-4), 293-323. https://doi.org/10.1080/08985626.2012.721008 Koyviriyakul, K. (2016). The intention of software developers to be startup entrepreneurs. Unpublished master thesis, Bangkok: Thammasart University. Kurniawan, R. (2013). Pengaruh penerapan model pembelajaran teaching factory 6 langkah (TF-6M) dan prestasi belajar kewirausahaan terhadap minat wirausaha. 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The role of developing countries like India in climate action has undergone a shift in the last five to ten years. Several factors have led to this development. Firstly, with the signing of the Paris Agreement and its emphasis on bottom-pledges, all countries have become co-enactors to mitigation. Secondly, continued scientific research on co-benefits and climate damages has reduced the gap between mitigation and development priorities. Lastly, capital costs of renewable energy (RE) have plummeted making them cheaper than new coal plants in most countries, thereby providing a solid economic incentive to increase the share of RE. Despite these developments, decarbonisation of the power sector in low-income countries faces significant socio-economic and political barriers. This dissertation identifies some of those barriers, eventually suggesting policy solutions to overcome them. While one publication of this cumulative dissertation % I changed it here has a global scope, the other two papers focus on India, a country with low cumulative historic emissions, but is currently the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases (GHG). Per-capita energy consumption is still low, but it has one of the fastest growing electricity markets in the world. Thus, the policy decisions in the power sector in India can substantially affect the global goal to decarbonisation. The first publication identifies the risk of carbon lock-ins in the power sector if India were to continue a trajectory based on current policies. We find that continued investment into fossils could eventually lead to stranded assets in the future because of the faster pace of decarbonisation required in scenarios achieving the Paris Agreement goals. Since most of the stranding arises from plants yet to be built, it can be avoided through additional capacity installations of RE, i.e., increasing current ambition in RE-deployment and limiting new coal power plants to those under construction. Most of the additional capacity would come from solar and wind, given their large resource potentials and favourable economic viability in India. The expansion potential of other sources like gas, nuclear, and hydro remains low, owing to constraints on supply, cost, and construction duration. The second article uses different mitigation scenarios and analyses, on a global level but based on country-specific data, the labor market implications of a decarbonisation policies. Although ambitious policies supporting RE and discouraging coal power, e.g., through a coal moratorium, discussed above are favourable for (future) deep decarbonisation, they could lead to disruptive changes adversely affecting the employment situation, specifically the drastic losses in the fossil sector. We show that in the near-term, stringent mitigation results in a net increase in jobs compared to a weaker climate action scenario (based on currently pledged country objectives), mainly through gains in solar and wind jobs in construction, installation, and manufacturing, despite significantly higher losses in coal fuel supply. However, global energy jobs eventually peak, because the falling labour intensity (i.e. jobs per megawatt, due to increasing productivity) outpace increases in RE installations. In the future, total jobs are still higher in stringent mitigation than in a scenario with less mitigation with most people employed in the operation and maintenance of RE infrastructure, unlike fuel extraction today. Although stricter mitigation could lead to higher jobs globally, the role of employment in decarbonisation in specific regions could play out very differently. In countries with significant people employed in fossil-fuel industries, a just transition for those workers could become important. The third publication highlights that the regional mismatch of energy infrastructure in India could become a significant barrier to effective decarbonisation. Most of the coal mines and coal power plants in India are concentrated in the poorer eastern states of Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Jharkhand, where it is an important source of both employment and public economy. On the other hand, the best RE potentials in India are concentrated in the relatively wealthier western and southern states and are home to current and planned RE installations. Continued fossil investments in coal-bearing regions could widen this gap and in pathways to deep decarbonisation, strongly accelerate the loss of coal jobs. Without complementary opportunities, this would negatively impact the livelihood of people living in these areas. We show that dedicated policies to increase solar installations in coal regions could ensure early geographic diversification of solar energy. It could help build broad support for the energy transition, required for climate targets, and could give India important benefits in terms of avoided climate impacts and local health. At the same time, solar alone cannot provide a just transition and there is an urgent need for engagement with all stakeholders exploring challenges and other opportunities into the transition. In summary, despite the proliferation of climate considerations into decision-making at all political levels, there are still significant barriers to decarbonisation. Some of the most pressing challenges for fast-growing economies like India involve avoiding lock-ins in the power sector, which could have far-reaching consequences on the pace and cost of future decarbonisation. Higher-income nations could support the transition by providing cheaper RE-related finance and knowledge of increasing power system flexibility. At the same time, changes in the quantity and structure of jobs in the energy sector could also affect the pace of decarbonisation. Here, one key factor is the just transition of predominantly coal-bearing regions. The regional divide of fossil and RE assets and resources in India means that a regionally balanced transition from a fossil to a RE-based economy would not happen on its own; it needs dedicated policies supporting future solar installations in coal-bearing states. However, given the large size of the current coal workforce, additional solar capacity alone (in these regions) cannot replace all the lost jobs. It therefore requires to look for alternatives beyond the energy sector. ; Die Rolle von Entwicklungsländern wie Indien bei den Klimaschutzmaßnahmen hat sich in den letzten fünf bis zehn Jahren gewandelt. Mehrere Faktoren haben zu dieser Entwicklung geführt. Erstens sind mit der Unterzeichnung des Pariser Abkommens und seiner Betonung der "bottom-pledges" alle Länder zu Mitakteuren beim Klimaschutz geworden. Zweitens hat sich durch wissenschaftliche Forschung über Klimaschäden und positive Nebeneffekte von Klimaschutz die Kluft zwischen Minderungs- und Entwicklungsprioritäten verringert. Drittens sind die Kapitalkosten für erneuerbare Energien (EE) drastisch gesunken, so dass sie in den meisten Ländern billiger sind als neue Kohlekraftwerke, was einen verlässlichen wirtschaftlichen Anreiz zur Erhöhung des Anteils regenerativer Energien bietet. Trotz dieser Entwicklungen sind die sozioökonomischen und politischen Hindernisse für die Dekarbonisierung des Stromsektors in Ländern mit niedrigem Einkommen erheblich. In dieser Dissertation werden einige dieser Hindernisse aufgezeigt und schließlich politische Lösungen zu deren Überwindung vorgeschlagen. Während eine Publikation dieser kumulativen Dissertation eine globale Perspektive einnimmt, konzentrieren sich die anderen beiden Artikel l auf Indien, dessen kumulierte historische Emissionen gering sind, das jedoch derzeit der drittgrößte Emittent von Treibhausgasen (THG) ist. Der Pro-Kopf-Energieverbrauch ist immer noch niedrig, aber das Land hat einen der am schnellsten wachsenden Strommärkte der Welt. Daher können die politischen Entscheidungen im indischen Energiesektor das globale Ziel der Dekarbonisierung erheblich beeinflussen. In der ersten Publikation wird das Risiko von Kohlenstoff-Lock-Ins im Energiesektor aufgezeigt, wenn Indien den auf der aktuellen Politik basierenden Kurs fortsetzen würde. Wir zeigen, dass ein Fortsetzen der Investitionen in fossile Energieträger in der Zukunft zu "verlorenem Kapital" (stranded assets) führt, sobald die Dekarbonisierung derart beschleunigt wird, dass die Ziele des Pariser Abkommens in den analysierten Szenarien erreicht werden. Da die meisten dieser Fehlinvestitionen aus noch zu bauenden Anlagen stammen, können sie vermieden werden, wenn zusätzliche EE-Kapazitäten aufgebaut und neue Kohlekraftwerke auf die im Bau befindlichen beschränkt werden. Der größte Teil der zusätzlichen Kapazität würde aus Sonnen- und Windenergie stammen, da sie über ein großes Potenzial verfügen und in Indien wirtschaftlich rentabel sind. Das Ausbaupotenzial anderer Energieträger wie Gas, Kernkraft und Wasserkraft bleibt aufgrund von Einschränkungen bei Angebot, Kosteneffizienz und Bauzeit gering. Im zweiten Artikel werden verschiedene Minderungsszenarien verwendet und auf globaler Ebene, aber auf der Grundlage länderspezifischer Daten, die Auswirkungen einer Dekarbonisierungspolitik auf den Arbeitsmarkt analysiert. Obwohl ehrgeizige politische Maßnahmen zur Förderung von EE und zur Eindämmung der Kohleverstromung, z.B. durch ein Kohlemoratorium, wie oben erörtert für eine (künftige) tiefgreifende Dekarbonisierung günstig sind, könnten sie zu disruptiven Veränderungen führen, die sich nachteilig auf die Beschäftigungssituation auswirken, insbesondere durch drastische Verluste im fossilen Sektor. Wir zeigen, dass ein strenger Klimaschutz kurzfristig zu einem Nettozuwachs an Arbeitsplätzen im Vergleich zu einem schwächeren Klimaschutzszenario (basierend auf den derzeit zugesagten Länderzielen) führt, vor allem durch einen Zuwachs an Arbeitsplätzen in der Solar- und Windenergiebranche in den Bereichen Bau, Installation und Produktion, trotz deutlich höherer Arbeitsplatzverluste im Kohlesektor. Allerdings erreicht die Zahl der Arbeitsplätze im Energiesektor weltweit letztendlich ihren Höchststand, da die sinkende Arbeitsintensität (d. h. Arbeitsplätze/Megawatt, aufgrund steigender Produktivität) den Anstieg der EE-Installationen überkompensiert. In der Zukunft ist die Gesamtzahl der Arbeitsplätze bei schneller Dekarbonisierung immer noch höher als bei einem Szenario mit geringerem Klimaschutz, wobei die meisten Menschen nicht wie heute in der Brennstoffgewinnung, sondern im Betrieb und in der Wartung der EE-Infrastruktur beschäftigt sind. Obwohl strengerer Klimaschutz weltweit zu mehr Arbeitsplätzen führen könnte, könnten die Auswirkungen der Dekarbonisierung auf die Beschäftigung in einzelnen Regionen sehr unterschiedlich ausfallen. In Ländern, in denen viele Menschen in der Produktion fossiler Brennstoffe beschäftigt sind, könnte die Berücksichtigung sozialer Gerechtigkeit bei diesem Übergang im Sinne einer "just transition" wichtig werden. Im dritten Artikel wird hervorgehoben, dass das regionale Ungleichgewicht der Energieinfrastruktur in Indien zu einem erheblichen Hindernis für eine wirksame Dekarbonisierung werden könnte. Die meisten Kohleminen und Kohlekraftwerke in Indien befinden sich in den ärmeren östlichen Bundesstaaten Chhattisgarh, Odisha und Jharkhand, wo sie eine wichtige Stütze des Arbeitsmarkts und der öffentlichen Wirtschaft darstellen. Andererseits konzentrieren sich die besten EE-Potenziale in Indien auf die wohlhabenderen westlichen und südlichen Bundesstaaten, in denen bestehende und geplante EE-Anlagen zu finden sind. Fortgesetzte Investitionen in fossile Energieträger in den Kohleregionen könnten diese Kluft vergrößern und auf dem Weg zu einer tiefgreifenden Dekarbonisierung den Verlust von Arbeitsplätzen in der Kohleindustrie stark beschleunigen. Ohne Alternativmöglichkeiten würde sich dies negativ auf den Lebensunterhalt der in diesen Gebieten lebenden Menschen auswirken. Wir zeigen, dass gezielte Politikmaßnahmen, um Solaranlagen in Kohleregionen zu installieren, eine frühzeitige geografische Diversifizierung der Solarenergie sicherstellen könnten. Dies könnte dazu beitragen, eine breite Unterstützung für die Energiewende aufzubauen, die für die Erreichung der Klimaziele erforderlich ist, und Indien wichtige Vorteile im Hinblick auf die lokale Gesundheit un die Vermeidung von Klimaschäden bringen. Gleichzeitig kann die Solarenergie allein keinen gerechten Übergang sicherstellen, und es besteht dringender Bedarf, alle Interessengruppen zu beteiligen, um Herausforderungen und weitere Möglichkeiten für diesen Übergang zu identifizieren. Zusammenfassend gibt immer noch erhebliche Hindernisse für die Dekarbonisierung, obwohl Klimaaspekte bei der Entscheidungsfindung auf allen politischen Ebenen zunehmend berücksichtigt werden. Einige der dringendsten Herausforderungen für schnell wachsende Volkswirtschaften wie Indien bestehen darin, Lock-Ins im Energiesektor zu vermeiden, die weitreichende Folgen für das Tempo und die Kosten der künftigen Dekarbonisierung haben könnten. Länder mit höherem Einkommen könnten den Übergang unterstützen, in dem sie ihre Kenntnisse zur Erhöhung der Flexibilität des Stromsystems anbieten und für eine günstigere Finanzierung erneuerbarer Energien sorgen. Gleichzeitig könnten sich Veränderungen in der Anzahl und Struktur der Arbeitsplätze im Energiesektor auch auf das Tempo der Dekarbonisierung auswirken. Ein Schlüsselfaktor in diesem Zusammenhang ist ein gerechter Übergang in Regionen, in denen überwiegend Kohle gefördert wird. Die regionale Verteilung der fossilen und erneuerbaren Ressourcen in Indien bedeutet, dass ein regional ausgewogener Übergang von einer fossilen zu einer auf erneuerbaren Energien basierenden Wirtschaft nicht von alleine erfolgen würde; es bedarf spezieller politischer Maßnahmen zur Unterstützung des Baus von Solaranlagen in den bisher kohlefördernden Bundesstaaten. In Anbetracht der großen Zahl der derzeit im Kohlebergbau Beschäftigten können zusätzliche Solarkapazitäten allein (in diesen Regionen) jedoch nicht alle verlorenen Arbeitsplätze ersetzen. Daher muss nach Alternativen außerhalb des Energiesektors gesucht werden.

Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias. ; The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape. Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratacion en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratacion en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever. Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratacion en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories - spatial or social - that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature". In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former. We analyze how borders implemented by the contratacion en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season. The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance.

Milk adulteration is a serious concern in developing country Nepal and is at higher risk due to lack of government policies. Milk is almost a complete food containing essential nutrients required for growth and maintenance of the body. Milk is a high-risk commodity that can be adulterated in numerous ways and turn affects milk quality. The quality and safe milk production are one of the biggest problems faced by developing countries, and Nepal is one of them. The reason behind the milk adulteration is more for economic concerns, but the root cause of adulteration is to increase milk demand during the lean season in developing countries and the existing supply chain. Water being cheap is the most common adulterant added in the milk that decreases the nutrient content of milk. Milk producer also adds the preservatives to increase the shelf life of milk, caustic soda to reduce the milk acidity and materials like urea, starch, sugar and milk powder to increase SNF content. 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The province of Huelva, in Andalusia (Spain), is the first strawberry exporting area in Europe. Based on an intensive use of inputs applied on sterilized land, this sector is an archetype of agricultural industrialization, marking the decisive influence of capitalist activity on the biosphere right down to the landscape.Considered red gold for decades, this monoculture entered into crisis in the mid-1990s. Despite the continuous increase in input costs, the price per kilogram of strawberries remains stable, with supermarkets and input suppliers controlling the agrifood chain. To maintain profitability, farmers have followed three strategies: increasing production per hectare through technical intensification of production, introducing new berries cultures, and making wages an adjustment variable. This last one, has been possible through the employment of a diversified migrant workforce. Since the 90's, various labor substitutions processes have resulted in a segmented labor market by origin, gender, migration status and work relationship. From the year 2000, an important part of the labor force have been women employed through a temporary migration program named contratación en origen. Morocco has been the main country of recruitment since 2008. Besides Moroccan workers, the sector employs North and West African workers, with or without work permits, an important number of Eastern European workers coming seasonally through work agencies, and Spanish women workers, mainly in the packing stations. The rise of unemployment caused by the economic crisis limited the contratación en origen between 2012 and 2017. However, this program is very appreciated by employers who have been demanding its reinstatement, as it guarantees a flexible and non-demanding labor force, available throughout the campaign, even if at certain times the work is scarce. In 2017, it was reactivated with more workers than ever.Based on qualitative material gathered between 2009 and 2012, and updated in 2019, we will address several dimensions of an agro-migration regime constitutive of this land designed by capitalist world-ecology. The paper will focus on the contratación en origen held with Morocco since 2006. Financed by European Union money, this program aims to facilitate the movement of women workers who must return to Morocco after the season ends. To this end, a series of criteria are established based on racist and sexist stereotypes that define rural Moroccan women mainly as mothers and wives to justify their return to the country when strawberry season is over. To participate in the program, it is necessary to be a woman of rural and poor origin and to have dependent children under 14 years old. It means that capital accumulation in this agriculture is based on control over female farmworkers reproduction. Taking up the contributions of materialist feminism and cross-referencing them with political economy and world-ecology theory, we analyze this subordination of reproduction by production as an appropriation of nature as defined by Moore. Capitalist accumulation expands through commodity fronts (2015). Competition leads to a perpetual search for new territories – spatial or social – that have not yet been commodified and whose conquest opens new cycles of profitability. Capitalism appropriates these borderlands, reclaiming the free labor of women, nature and colonies (Mies, 1986) and justifying it by the fact that these cheap natures are objects that can be appropriated. Naturalization is the ideology that allows the material exploitation and appropriation of the "free gifts of nature".In this paper, we argue that, in intensive agriculture, accumulation is based on the exploitation of the web of life, embedded in control over the reproduction of female foreign farmworkers. We show how the imbrication between racism and sexism transforms Moroccan women into inputs for intensive agriculture and address the two dimensions of these power relations: their material appropriation and the ideology that identifies women and racialized people as nature that sustains the former.We analyze how borders implemented by the contratación en origen mobilize gender and race to allow workforce exploitation. This temporary migration program is based on an economic articulation and a physical separation of the time-spaces of production and reproduction of labor power. Moroccan farmworkers are recruited as appropriated women (Guillaumin, 1992). It is because they carry out the bulk of domestic work, because they are materially involved in the rearing of children, and because this activity is considered their legitimate and main activity, that they are seen as ideal seasonal workers. That is to say, the women will work hard for their children that remain on the other side of the border and they will return home at the end of the season.The constraints implied by the process of recruitment are reinforced by a legal captivity induced by the fact that residence permits are linked to a specific employer. In addition to this juridical captivity, the confinement in the dwellings weakens these workers' capacity to negotiate their working conditions. The farms are often far from the villages. Isolation is increased by the fact that farmworkers generally do not speak Spanish and do not have any other means of transportation than the one normally provided once a week by the employer for shopping. The mechanisms of control over women's bodies and sexuality are furthermore mobilized to impose discipline and control over workers, as well as to avoid them leaving the Program. The stigma of the woman of bad life and the prostitute, attributed to those who go out at night or to those who leave the Program to stay irregularly in Spain, patrols the borders of temporary work. This system constructs a vulnerable labor force ready to accept the poor working and living conditions offered. However, as Burawoy (1975) pointed out, the interdependence between home and host countries and the separation of production and reproduction tend to erode over time, usually leading to resistance and eventual labor replacement. In 2018 the pact of silence regarding the living and working conditions of foreign seasonal workers was finally broken. The collective mobilizations of Moroccan seasonal workers were organized to denounce poor living and working conditions and the existence of sexual abuse. This questioned the core of a recruitment program that had been designed as an example of ethical and orderly migration for 20 years. At the end of the season, various actors also reported that a significant number of female workers had not returned to Morocco at the end of their contracts. We read these forms of collective and individual resistance as signs of the erosion of this program. We will have to wait to see the impact of these emerging acts of resistance. ; Este artículo aborda los vínculos existentes entre la explotación de la mano de obra migrante y el desarrollo de la agricultura intensiva en la provincia de Huelva, España. El objetivo es describir cómo la apropiación-explotación de la naturaleza humana y extrahumana (Moore, 2015) convergen en el cultivo de la fresa. Tomamos como punto de partida la teoría del capitalismo como ecología-mundo de Moore y la articulamos con las aportaciones del feminismo materialista y los análisis de la economía política sobre el continuum de control de la movilidad del trabajo en la historia del capitalismo. A partir de este posicionamiento teórico, analizamos el modo en que este cultivo extrae su rentabilidad de la asignación a circular de temporeras marroquíes empleadas a través del programa de migración temporal conocido como contratación en origen. Este programa permite al sector disponer de una mano de obra poco costosa y flexible que garantice la rentabilidad del cultivo, y que retorna a su país de origen al final de la temporada. Veremos que para ello se ha dirigido exclusivamente a mujeres con hijos pequeños a su cargo. La circulación entre país de origen y de trabajo de las jornaleras marroquíes y su adecuación a las exigencias del sector se fundan en las asimetrías de género, clase y etnia existentes. Concretamente, el programa implementa una doble dependencia de los hogares de trabajadoras hacia los ingresos de la temporada, por un lado, y hacia su participación en la economía doméstica, cuando regresan, por otro. Leemos esta subordinación de la reproducción por la producción como una apropiación de la naturaleza tal y como la define, de manera amplia, Moore. El artículo está basado en el material etnográfico recogido entre 2009 y 2012, y actualizado en 2019, en los lugares de vida y trabajo de las temporeras. Su estructura es la siguiente. En una primera parte se exponen las principales características de la producción de frutos rojos en Huelva. En un segundo momento, se describe cómo la contratación de temporeras marroquíes ha sido una estrategia del modelo productivo que había agotado los recursos presentes en el territorio. En la tercera parte, se abordan las consecuencias que el modelo de contratación en origen tiene sobre las condiciones de vida y trabajo de las temporeras y se describen los límites del programa que se está viendo cuestionado por la emergencia de movilizaciones y resistencias.

We investigated the relation between alcohol drinking and healthy ageing by meansof a validated health status metric, using individual data from the Ageing Trajectories of Health: Longitudinal Opportunities and Synergies (ATHLOS) project. For the purposes of this study, the ATHLOS harmonised dataset, which includes information from individuals aged 65+ in 38 countries, was analysed (n = 135,440). Alcohol drinking was reflected by means of three harmonised variables: alcohol drinking frequency, current and past alcohol drinker. A set of 41 self-reported health items and measured tests were used to generate a specific health metric. In the harmonised dataset, the prevalence of current drinking was 47.5% while of past drinking was 26.5%. In the pooled sample, current alcohol drinking was positively associated with better health status among older adults ((b-coef (95% CI): 1.32(0.45 to 2.19)) and past alcohol drinking was inversely related (b-coef (95% CI): −0.83 (−1.51 to −0.16)) with health status. Often alcohol consumption appeared to be beneficial only for females in all super-regions except Africa, both age group categories (65–80 years old and 80+), both age group categories, as well as among all the financial status categories (all p < 0.05). Regional analysis pictured diverse patterns in the association for current and past alcohol drinkers. Our results report the need for specific alcohol intake recommendations among older adults that will help them maintain a better health status throughout the ageing process. ; This work was supported by the five-year Ageing Trajectories of Health: Longitudinal Opportunities and Synergies (ATHLOS) project. The ATHLOS project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 635316. The ATHLOS project researchers are grateful for data contribution and funding in the following studies: (A) The 10/66 study (10/66): The 10/66 study is supported by theWellcome Trust (GR066133/ GR080002), the European Research Council (340755), US Alzheimer's Association, WHO, FONDACIT (Venezuela) and the Puerto Rico State Government, and the Medical Research Council (MR/K021907/1 to A.M.P.). The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the 10/66 Dementia Research Group who provided data for this paper; (B) The Australian Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ALSA): The ALSA study was supported by grants from the South Australian Health Commission, the Australian Rotary Health Research Fund, the US National Institute on Aging (Grant No. AG 08523–02), theO ce for the Ageing (SA), Elderly Citizens Homes (SA), the National Health and Medical Research Council (NH&MRC 22922), the Premiers Science Research Fund (SA) and the Australian Research Council (DP0879152; DP130100428). The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the project team at the Flinders Centre for Ageing Studies, Flinders University who provided data for this paper; (C) The ATTICA study: The ATTICA study is supported by research grants from the Hellenic Cardiology Society (HCS2002) and the Hellenic Atherosclerosis Society (HAS2003). The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the project team at the Harokopio University who provided data for this paper; (D) The China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS): The CHARLS study has received critical support from Peking University, the National Natural Science Foundation of China, the Behavioral and Social Research Division of the National Institute on Aging and the World Bank. The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the project team at the Peking University who provided data for this paper; (E) Collaborative Research on Ageing (COURAGE) in Europe: The COURAGE study was supported by the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) under grant agreement number 223071 (COURAGE in Europe). Data from Spain were also collected with support from the Instituto de Salud Carlos III-FIS research grants number PS09/00295, PS09/01845, PI12/01490, PI13/00059, PI16/00218 and PI16/01073; the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation ACI-Promociona (ACI2009–1010); the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) 'AWay to Build Europe' grant numbers PI12/01490 and PI13/00059; and by the Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red de Salud Mental (CIBERSAM), Instituto de Salud Carlos III. Data from Poland were collected with support from the Polish Ministry for Science and Higher Education grant for an international co-financed project (number 1277/7PR/UE/2009/7, 2009–2012) and Jagiellonian University Medical College grant for project COURAGE-POLFUS (K/ZDS/005241). The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of COURAGE researchers who provided data for this paper; (F) The Seniors-ENRICA: The Seniors-ENRICA cohort was funded by an unconditional grant from Sanofi-Aventis, the Ministry of Health of Spain, FIS grant 12/1166 (State Secretary for R+D and FEDER-FSE) and the Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red de Epidemiología y Salud Pública (CIBERESP), Instituto de Salud Carlos III. The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the project team at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid who provided data for this paper; (G) The English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA): ELSA is supported by the U.S. National Institute of Aging, the National Centre for Social Research, the University College London (UCL) and the Institute for Fiscal Studies. The authors gratefully acknowledge the UK Data Service and UCL who provided data for this paper; (H) The Health, Alcohol and Psychosocial factors In Eastern Europe (HAPIEE) study: The HAPIEE study was supported by theWellcome Trust (grant numbers WT064947, WT081081), the US National Institute of Aging (grant number 1RO1AG23522) and the MacArthur Foundation Initiative on Social Upheaval and Health. The authors gratefully acknowledge the work of the project teams at University College London, the National Institute of Public Health in Prague, the Jagiellonian University Medical College in Krakow and the Kaunas University of Medicine who provided data for this paper; (I) The Health 2000/2011 study: The authors gratefully acknowledge the National Institute for Health and Welfare in Finland who provided data for this paper; (J) Health and Retirement Study (HRS): The HRS study is supported by the National Institute on Aging (grant number NIA U01AG009740) and the Social Security Administration, and is conducted by the University of Michigan. The authors gratefully acknowledge the University of Michigan who provided data for this paper; (K) The Japanese Study of Aging and Retirement (JSTAR): The JSTAR is conducted by the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI), the Hitotsubashi University, and the University of Tokyo. The authors gratefully acknowledge the RIETI who provided data for this paper; (L) The Korean Longitudinal Study of Ageing (KLOSA): The KLOSA study is funded by the Korea Employment Information Service (KEIS) and was supported by the Korea Labor Institute's KLOSA Team. The authors gratefully acknowledge the KEIS who provided data for this paper; (M) The Mexican Health and Aging Study (MHAS): The MHAS study is partly sponsored by the National Institutes of Health/National Institute on Aging (grant number NIH R01AG018016) and the INEGI in Mexico. The authors gratefully acknowledge the MHAS team who provided data for this paper retrieved from www.MHASweb.org: (N) The Study on Global Ageing and Adult Health (SAGE): The SAGE study is funded by the U.S. National Institute on Aging and has received financial support through Interagency Agreements (OGHA 04034785; YA1323-08-CN-0020; Y1-AG-1005–01) and Grants (R01-AG034479; IR21-AG034263-0182). The authors gratefully acknowledge theWorld Health Organizationwho provided data for this paper; (O) The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE): The SHARE study is funded by the European Commission through FP5 (QLK6-CT-2001–00360), FP6 (SHARE-I3: RII-CT-2006–062193, COMPARE: CIT5-CT-2005–028857, SHARELIFE: CIT4-CT-2006–028812) and FP7 (SHARE-PREP: N 211909, SHARE-LEAP: N 227822, SHARE M4: N 261982). Additional funding from the German Ministry of Education and Research, the Max Planck Society for the Advancement of Science, the U.S. National Institute on Aging (U01_AG09740-13S2, P01_AG005842, P01_AG08291, P30_AG12815, R21_AG025169, Y1-AG-4553–01, IAG_BSR06-11, OGHA_04-064, HHSN271201300071C) and from various national funding sources is gratefully acknowledged (see www.share-project.org); (P) The Irish Longitudinal study on Ageing (TILDA): The authors gratefully acknowledge the Trinity College Dublin and the Irish Social Science Data Archive (www.ucd.ie/issda) who provided data for this paper; (Q) The Uppsala Birth Cohort Multigenerational Study (UBCOS): The UBCoS study has received funding from the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (FORTE; 2006–1518 and 2013–1084) and from the Swedish Research Council (VR; 2013–5104 and 2013–5474). The authors gratefully acknowledge the Centre for Health Equity Studies at the Stockholm University and Karolinska Institutet's team who provided data for this paper. Additionally, Stefanos Tyrovolas was supported by the Foundation for Education and European Culture, the Miguel Servet programme (reference CP18/00006), and the Fondos Europeos de Desarrollo Regional. Also, Alberto Raggi is supported by a grant from the Italian Ministry of Health (Ricerca Corrente, Fondazione Istituto Neurologico C. Besta, Linea 4—Outcome Research: dagli Indicatori alle Raccomandazioni Cliniche. The funders of the study had no role in study design, data collection, data analysis, data interpretation, or writing of the report. The authors had access to the data in the study and had final responsibility for the decision to submit for publication.

Acid rock drainage (ARD) is defined as acidic waste-water contaminated with sulphate and heavy metals which is generated through the oxidation of sulphidic ores in the presence of water and oxygen. Mining activities accelerate this process by bringing these ores to the surface where they are further crushed and, eventually end up in waste rock dumps and tailing impoundments where they continue to generate ARD into perpetuity. Active mining operations are mandated to prevent the discharge of ARD into the environment. This ARD is commonly remediated by expensive yet highly effective active treatment strategies such as high-density sludge processes and reverse osmosis. South Africa has an extensive history of gold and coal mining which has left abandoned mine workings with associated waste rock dumps throughout northern and eastern parts of the country. As many of these mines have long been abandoned, the responsibility to mitigate the environmental impact of the generated ARD lies solely with government. Although these diffuse sites often generate smaller volumes of less aggressive ARD compared to that generated through mine water rebound, the sheer number and the continual ARD generation from these sites is a severe threat to South Africa's already poor water security. Biological sulphate reduction (BSR) has long been considered an attractive option for the longterm remediation of these low-volume sources of ARD – but its implementation has shown mixed success. BSR is a process catalysed through the innate metabolism of sulphate-reducing bacteria (SRB) which coexist within complex microbial communities. SRB themselves are a highly diverse group of anaerobic microorganisms which use sulphate as a terminal electron acceptor. The sulphide and bicarbonate produced during BSR can be used to precipitate heavy metals and aid in the neutralisation of the ARD, respectively. The implementation of BSR is, therefore, a comprehensive remediation strategy for diffuse sources of ARD. The study of BSR, using various reactor configurations and operating conditions shows much promise. However, the microbial ecology of the complex communities within BSR systems, and their links to the performance of BSR processes, has received far less attention in published literature. This is not a result of underappreciation of the role microbial communities but rather a historical lack of tools, specifically high-throughput techniques, available to assess complex microbial consortia. It is asserted that the success of a sustainable BSR process developed for the long-term remediation of ARD requires an in-depth understanding the microbial communities associated with this process. The identification of the microorganisms which are key to the process, thosewhich threaten the stability of the community and the optimal growth conditions of these microorganisms, can be used to inform how these bioreactors are designed and operated. This study investigated the performance and microbial ecology of several continuous BSR reactors using culture-independent metagenomic sequencing approaches. The performance and microbial ecology of these reactors were evaluated at a range of hydraulic residence times (HRT) over the course of approximately 1000 days of continuous operation, from five- through to one-day(s). The tested reactor configurations included a continuous stirred tank reactor (CSTR), an up-flow anaerobic packed bed reactor (UAPBR) and a linear flow channel reactor (LFCR) that were each operated in duplicate and supplemented with either lactate or acetate as an electron donor. The different reactor configurations and supplied electron donors, as well as the varied applied HRT, generated a range of microenvironments which were hypothesised to lead to the divergence of the initial microbial community of the inoculum and generate numerous distinct microbial communities throughout and across the reactor systems. 16S rRNA gene amplicon sequencing was used to assess the microbial community structure of the numerous populations across the reactor systems and monitor how these communities responded to the change in the applied HRT. Genome-resolved metagenomics was employed in parallel to recover the genomes of all predominant microorganisms identified through gene amplicon sequencing. This allowed the interrogation of the composition of the respective microbial communities as well as the genetic potential of each microorganism and encompassing the communities represented within specific reactor environments. The CSTRs were selected as these systems are characterised as well-mixed, support solely suspended biomass and kinetic equilibriums are achieved rapidly. This allows the performance of these reactors to be predictable and provides a benchmark to which the LFCRs and UAPBRs could be compared. The lactate-supplemented CSTR performed largely as anticipated based on available literature, demonstrating a maintained sulphate conversion of approximately 55% over the course of the study. The reactor achieved a maximum observed volumetric sulphate reduction rate (VSRR) of 17 mg/ℓ.h at a one-day HRT. The system supported a low SRB diversity, constituted almost entirely by a Desulfomicrobium and two Desulfovibrio operational taxonomic units (OTUs). The acetate-supplemented CSTR was able to maintain sulphate reducing performance at HRT where complete washout of SRB had been predicted based on literature. This reactor exhibited a maximum VSRR of 10.8 mg/ℓ.h at a 1.5-day HRT and was dominated by the same Desulfovibrio and Desulfomicrobium observed in the lactate-supplemented CSTR, along with several other SRB genera at lower abundance. The LFCRs demonstrated an approximately ten-fold greater biomass retention than the corresponding CSTRs. This was facilitated through the incorporation of carbon microfibres, whichfacilitated microbial colonisation and biofilm formation within the reactors. Surprisingly, the lactate-supplemented LFCR, underperformed compared to the lactate-supplemented CSTR, achieving a maximum VSRR of 14.8 mg/ℓ.h at a one-day HRT. This reduced performance, in spite of the enhanced biomass retention, was concluded to result from the out-competition of lactateoxidising SRB in the reactor by Veillonella and Enterobacter OTUs. The acetate-supplemented LFCR exhibited a period of underperformance before recovering and subsequently demonstrated a maximum VSRR of 17.1 mg/ℓ.h at a one-day HRT. Evaluations of the microbial communities of this system during the HRT study revealed a dramatic shift in the SRB communities from being dominated by Desulfatitalea and Desulfovibrio to being dominated predominantly by Desulfomicrobium and Desulfobacter. The UAPBRs are governed by plug-flow which resulted in the generation of gradients of decreasing substrates and increasing products throughout the height of the reactors. This, as hypothesised, resulted in the stratification of the microbial communities throughout the height of these reactors. This allowed many associations to be made between specific microorganisms and their ideal growth environments. Both UAPBRs demonstrated competitive sulphate reducing performance. The lactate-supplemented UAPBR proved especially successful as this system was able to maintain >95% sulphate conversion at one-day HRT, corresponding with a VSRR of 40.1 mg/ℓ.h. The performance of this reactor was attributed to the significant quantity of retained biomass and the successful harbouring of lactate-oxidising SRB towards the inlet zone of the reactor as well as propionate- and acetate-oxidising SRB towards the effluent zones of the reactor. The acetatesupplemented UAPBR exhibited a maximum VSRR of 23.2 mg/ℓ.h at a one-day HRT and a maximum sulphate conversion of 79% at a 2.3-day HRT. The stratification of the microbial communities within the acetate-supplemented UAPBR was less pronounced than the lactatesupplemented UAPBR, as a result of the fewer available volatile fatty acid species. However, the stratification which was observed in this system could be used to postulate the growth kinetics associated with the identified SRB – a Desulfobulbus was associated with rapid acetate oxidation in the inlet zone while a Desulfatitalea and a Desulfosarcina could be implicated in sulphate scavenging in the effluent zone of this reactor. This proved particularly valuable for elucidating the roles of these same SRB in the well-mixed reactor systems. Genome-resolved metagenomics was employed to recover the genomes of the microorganisms identified in these systems and determine the metabolic potential of these microorganisms. Hydrogen-evolving hydrogenase genes were found to be widespread in genomes not capable of sulphate reduction. In contrast, hydrogen-consuming hydrogenases as well as autotrophic gene pathways were common amongst SRB genomes. The ubiquity of hydrogenase genes in these environments indicated that inter-species hydrogen transfer was an important feature within thesemicrobial communities. The dual consumption of both acetate and hydrogen was concluded to have facilitated the maintained sulphate reducing performance of the acetate-supplemented reactor systems at short HRT where system failure had been predicted. Indices of replication (iRep) were used to estimate the instantaneous growth rates of the microorganisms from metagenomic shotgun sequencing datasets. This revealed that, at a four-day HRT, the microorganisms within the biofilms were comparably active to planktonic microorganisms. This, together with the dynamic changes in the composition of these biofilms during the HRT study, suggests these biofilms are even more active and competitive than previously thought. The combined use of next-generation gene amplicon sequencing and genome-resolved metagenomics has given unprecedented insights into the microbial communities of BSR reactor systems. Using this approach, it was possible to uncover a seldom discussed form of hydrogen cycling within BSR systems and has shown that there is no 'one-size-fits-all' approach when inoculating BSR reactors. The SRB within these systems were often highly specialised to particular environments, specific electron donors and each showed differing growth kinetics. The success of long-term, semi-passive BSR reactor systems would benefit greatly from the tailoring of SRB inoculums informed by the chosen reactor configuration and operating conditions. The outcomes of the kinetic reactor experiments have led to several recommendations for the design and operation of these systems.

In the last decade, the energy industry has been taken a big impact socially, ambiently, and economically due to the exponential increment in the use of fossil energetics, energy resources that have several problems due to low energetic efficiency, high-level pollution in storage and use. With the oscillations of the current price of petroleum and other fossil energetics, glo bal governments have determined the necessity to develop the research of renewable energy technologies, for global exploitation. The energetic potential of the Sun has shown as an alternative with a higher level of adaptation for domestic and industrial use; said potential due to their variable nature de pending on the time of the day, the season of the year, and the atmospheric situation shows an energetic constant of 1360 W/m2 . In this section is important to clarify the importance of quantification of the solar radiation that reaches the terrain surface, the main issue in the exploitation of renewable energetic, since the beginning of the XX century has approached widely. Several mathematic models of direct solar radiation have made using different strategies in solar tracking; the main importance of these solar tracking methods consists of the necessity to optimize the amount of solar radiation in any solar collector system. This research work proposes the mathematical analysis of the incident solar radiation on a flat surface through MATLAB programming language of several solar tracking schemes on clear sky conditions to geographical coordinates and climate conditions of Zacatecas (Latitude 22.7725 N, length 102.6436 E and altitude of 2,240 m). In this paper, programming routines have been written for the next tracking schemes: Continous tracking in the form of heliotrope, tilted with latitude and with azimuthal angular rotation. Tilted tracking with latitude. Continous tracking that rotates in the horizontal axis West-East according to the solar altitude. Fixed tracking. The main purpose is to find an efficient solar tracking method for the study location. This manner follows with step tracking analysis to 1, 30, 60, 120, and 240 minutes respectively. Clear sky model developed by the European Solar Radiation Atlas, Linke turbidity factor, total diffuse radiation by the change of a solid angle, Albedo parameter and, relative optical mass are concepts that have been worked to develop the analyzed modeling method on this thesis. Obtained data of the average monthly diary solar irradiation calculations are shown in form of tables and graphs to perform the corresponding analysis. Data comparison is ma de for each of the months of the 2019 year, to the different solar tracking schemes. Data analysis has been work and is shown as monthly percentual values, control case is defined as the continuous solar tracking heliotrope type with 100 %, due to the natural behavior of the scheme which provides the maximum value of solar energy possible. Shown for validation different comparations with the calculated data, regarding the mea sured data by the solar station Zacatecas 04 located at the UAZ Siglo XXI Campus in Zacatecas in the sixth building of the Universidad Aut´onoma de Zacatecas. In the same way, were analyzed and compared data obtained with a similar model develop in Mexico City presented by Ram´ırez in the 2017 year in her bachelors' degree thesis, at the Facultad de Ciencias de la UNAM. Making a comparison of the different cases of solar tracking, the following is observed: (a) More solar radiation reaches each month, to the surfaces that comply with some scheme of sun-tracking, with respect to those surfaces that do not move.(b) The surface to which the least collection of solar radiation affects monthly is the horizontal surface. The solar irradiation per month estimated for this case is approximately 25 % below the maximum calculated value corresponding to the monitoring of heliotrope-type solar collection. Regarding the comparative analysis of the data obtained, it can be seen that: (a) The clear sky model prepared by ESRA has a behavior very close to reality for the geographical location Latitude 22.7725 N, longitude 102.6436 E and altitude 2,240 m related to the UAZ Siglo XXI Campus in Zacatecas, having a difference with the data obtained by the station Solarimetric Zacatecas 04 with a maximum value of 0.13 % for the month of January of the same year. ; En la última década la industria de los energéticos ha tomado un gran impacto social, ambiental y económico debido al aumento exponencial del uso de los energéticos fósiles, fuentes energéticas que poseen variados problemas en su uso los cuales van desde baja eficiencia energética, alto nivel de contaminación en su uso y reserva. Con las actuales oscilaciones del precio del petróleo y el de otros combustibles fósiles, los gobiernos mundiales han llegado a la conclusión de que es necesario fomentar la investigación y desarrollo de tecnologías de energías renovables, para su explotación global. El potencial energético del Sol, se muestra como una de la alternativas con mayor adaptabilidad para los usos domésticos e industriales; dicho potencial aun en su naturaleza variable de acuerdo a la hora del día, época del año y situación atmosférica, presenta como constante energética 1360 W/m2. En este apartado es de suma importancia el cuantificar la radiación solar que alcanza la superficie terrestre, principal problema en el aprovechamiento del energético renovable, que desde principios del siglo XX se ha abordado ampliamente. Varios modelos matemáticos de la radiación solar directa se han realizado utilizando diversas estrategias de seguimiento solar; la importancia de estos sistemas radica en la necesidad de optimizar la cantidad de radiación solar en cualquier tipo de colector. En este trabajo de investigación se plantea el análisis matemático de la radiación solar incidente en una superficie plana mediante el lenguaje MATLAB de diversos esquemas de seguimiento solar en condiciones de cielo claro para las coordenadas geográficas y condiciones 12climatológicas de Zacatecas (Latitud 22.7725 N, longitud 102.6436 E y altitud 2,240 m). Se escribieron rutinas de cáculo para los esquemas de seguimiento: Seguimiento continuo de tipo heliotropo, inclinada con latitud y rotación según el ángulo acimutal.Seguimiento inclinado con la latitud. Seguimiento inclinado con la latitud. Seguimiento continuo que rota sobre el eje horizontal Este-Oeste según la altura solar. Seguimiento fijo. La finalidad principal es encontrar el método de seguimiento solar mas eficiente para el lugar de estudio, de esta manera continuar con el análisis del seguimiento escalonado a 1, 30, 60, 120 y 240 minutos respectivamente. El modelo de cielo claro desarrollado por el Atlas Europeo de la Radiación Solar (ESRA por sus siglas en inglés), el factor de turbidez de Linke, la irradiación total difusa por el cambio de angulo sólido, el parámetro de Albedo y la masa óptica relativa son conceptos que se trabajaron para desarrollar el modelo analizado en esta tesis. Los datos obtenidos de los cálculos de irradiación solar promedio diaria mensual, se presentan en forma de tablas y gráficas con la finalidad de realizar el análisis correspondiente. Se hace una comparación de los datos obtenidos para cada uno de los meses del año 2019, para los diferentes esquemas de seguimiento solar. Se analizaron los datos y también se presentan en los valores en forma de porcentaje mensual, a manera de control, se considera el esquema de seguimiento continuo al sol de tipo heliotropo con el 100 %, esto se hace debido a la naturaleza del mismo esquema, el cual proporciona la máxima energía solar posible. Se muestra a manera de validación, diferentes comparaciones con los datos calculados con las rutinas elaboradas, con respecto a los datos obtenidos de mediciones de la estaciónsolarimétrica Zacatecas 04 ubicada en el Campus UAZ Siglo XXI, edificio 6 de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas. De la misma manera se analizaron y compararon los datos obtenidos mediante un modelo similar en al Ciudad de México presentados por Ramírez en el año 2017 en su tesis de licenciatura, en la Facultad de Ciencias de la UNAM. Al hacer la comparación de los diferentes casos de seguimiento solar se observa lo siguien te: (a) Llega más cantidad de radiación solar por mes, a las superficies que cumplen con algún esquema de seguimiento del sol, con respecto a aquellas superficies que no se mueven. (b) La superficie a la que menos captación de radiación solar incide mensualmente es la superficie horizontal. La irradiación solar, por mes estimada para este caso se encuentra aproximadamente en un 25 % por debajo del máximo valor calculado correspondiente al seguimiento de captación solar de tipo heliotropo. Respecto al an´alisis comparativo de los datos obtenidos se puede apreciar que: (a) El modelo de cielo claro elaborado por ESRA tiene un comportamiento muy cercano a la realidad para la ubicación geográfica Latitud 22.7725 N, longitud 102.6436 E y altitud 2,240 m relacionado con el Campus UAZ Siglo XXI en Zacatecas teniendo una diferencia con los datos obtenidos por la estación solarimétrica Zacatecas 04 con un valor máximo de 0.13 % para el mes de Enero del mismo año.

On 28 June 2019, the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the European Union (EU) concluded the negotiations on the trade chapter of the Association Agreement that both blocs had been working on for twenty years. The conclusion of the negotiations, announced at the G20 summit in Osaka, surprised everyone. They had begun in 1999 but were interrupted (and subsequently retaken) on several occasions due to differences in key issues such as agriculture, services and government procurement. Although a trade agreement was reached in June 2019, we should note that this does not mean the end of the process, as ratification by the parties and entry into force is still pending. At the time of the conclusion of the "agreement in principle", the EU faced the consequences of a multiplicity of overlapping crises and concentrated its foreign policy mainly on its eastern and southern neighbors, while the South American bloc had diverted its external relations to Asia. When everything suggested that MERCOSUR and Europe were drifting apart, they managed to reach the agreement. What were the determining factors for this outcome? The explanation of why countries decide to close a trade agreement leads to a diversity of factors. In the case of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the EU, it was exhibited as an instrument for market access, and as an opportunity to increase the well-being and efficiency of different economic sectors. From the strategic and geopolitical point of view, the agreement was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order. With regard to the identity element, the agreement contributes to the consolidation of a bi-regional common identity around a set of shared values. The MERCOSUR-EU agreement, then, does not allow a single appraisal, but it can be elucidated by the presence of at least three kinds of explanatory factors: economic, strategic and geopolitical, and also ideational. A large and growing body of literature on international cooperation, economic integration and inter-regionalism has investigated the selected factors. Liberal intergovernmentalists and international political economy scholars have studied the interaction between economic and geopolitical interests. In the economic integration process, according to these approaches, economic interests take precedence. However, they recognize that in cases where economic interests are indeterminate or diffuse, other objectives might be relevant (such as geopolitical, strategic and, we will add, ideational). In this study, we analyze how these three factors have been present to account for the agreement reached and what their implications are. The aim of this research, then, is to investigate the factors that explain the conclusion of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union, in June 2019, after twenty years of negotiations. Similarly, it attempts to examine whether any of these factors have an impact on the strategic uses that the parties make of the negotiated agreement and its (possible) ratification. Our hypothesis is that the conclusion of a deal between MERCOSUR and the EU is a multi-causal process involving simultaneously three types of factors: economic and trade material interests, strategic and geopolitical interaction, and bi-regional identity. The convergence of factors implies that the trade-off that allowed the agreement to be reached is multivariate, which does not suggest that it is necessarily harmonious. Each of these factors contributes to giving a different meaning or perspective, making available different strategic uses of the agreement by the countries involved. These different uses and meanings attributed to the negotiated agreement on the basis of the factors involved may also affect the dynamics of the ratification process. In methodological terms, the article follows the logic of a qualitative case study. The study is longitudinal, seeking to understand the conclusion of the negotiations while still considering the phenomenon over time. The techniques of data collection and analysis were qualitative, relying on the review of official documents, statements and speeches of the various actors involved, as well as on secondary statistical and bibliographic sources. The study shows that multi-causal analyses with eclectic conceptual frameworks have advantages, in a context where international trade negotiations are becoming more complex and where trade has ceased to be a low agenda issue. Therefore, the research carried out makes it possible to shed light on the tensions underlying the signing of the agreement, which also appear in the ratification process. Moreover, it shows that different actors' viewpoints and motivations coexist regarding the same international policy event –the trade agreement–. This study provides support for our initial argument. On the economic and commercial dimensions, the parties involved managed to bring their positions closer on the most sensitive issues, which –until then– appeared as insurmountable differences. While the structural characteristics of trade and investment did not change and nor did the trade preferences of the sectors, there was a change in the political dimension of these elements. From this perspective, the ratification of the agreement is imperative, but it is precisely because of the sensitivities involved that a higher level of politicization is expected. Geopolitics has also played a relevant role, especially in the strategic use of the announcement of the agreement at the Osaka Summit. Thus, it was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order, in contrast to the dynamics of the Sino-American trade war. This strategic game, however, is satisfied with the mere announcement of the arrangement and the geopolitical variable does not generate the same incentives for ratification as it did for the conclusion of the negotiations. Finally, the explanation based on the identity element is constructed from inter-regionalism and makes it possible to argue that the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union represents a milestone in the consolidation of a common identity around a set of shared values. However, these are a precondition for the agreement to take place, and do not fully explain the 2019 outcome. Putting these three variables into dialogue has proved indispensable to apprehend the complexity of a long-standing process, and the implications of an eventual ratification. These findings, however, raise new questions. Future work could enrich the study of the MERCOSUR-EU agreement, including the challenges of politicization. Also, since the study suggests a link between the three explanatory factors and the uses of the trade agreement, in future investigations it might be possible to undertake comparative studies between different processes of international trade negotiations. The article has been organised in the following way. After the introduction, the paper goes on to present the definitions related to the conceptual framework and research design. In the first section we focus on the hypothesis regarding material economic and commercial interests. The second section evaluates the geopolitical and strategic variable. The third section presents the characteristics and implications of the interregional link. Finally, we present the conclusions of the investigation. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es dilucidar cuáles fueron los factores que permiten explicar la conclusión del acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea, en junio de 2019, tras 20 años de negociaciones. De igual manera, propone indagar en si el predominio de alguno de dichos factores ha generado efectos sobre los usos estratégicos que las partes hacen del acuerdo negociado y su (posible) ratificación. Se postula una explicación tripartita y multicausal conforme a la cual el acuerdo MERCOSUR-Unión Europea fue posibilitado por tres tipos de factores: los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales, la interacción estratégica y geopolítica, y la identidad birregional. Esta convergencia de factores implica que el trade-off que permitió llegar al acuerdo es multivariado pero no implica que sea necesariamente armónico. Así, se sugiere que según sea el elemento privilegiado por las partes involucradas, el acuerdo adquiere distintos significados y diferentes perspectivas de ratificación. El acuerdo ha sido presentado como un instrumento para el acceso a los mercados; como una oportunidad para incrementar el bienestar y eficiencia de los distintos sectores económicos. Desde lo estratégico y geopolítico, como un hito para la conservación del orden liberal internacional. En tanto que el elemento identitario permite sostener que el acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea contribuye a la consolidación de una identidad común en torno a un conjunto de valores compartidos. El trabajo presenta un diseño metodológico cualitativo, basando en el análisis documental. El debate presentado se inscribe en la discusión de los determinantes del regionalismo y la cooperación en materia de integración regional dentro de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. El trabajo pone de manifiesto que, en un contexto donde las negociaciones comerciales internacionales son cada vez más complejas y donde la variable comercial ha dejado de ser un tema de low agenda, un análisis multicausal con marcos conceptuales eclécticos presenta ventajas. Con este abordaje, la investigación realizada permite echar luz sobre las tensiones subyacentes al momento de la firma del acuerdo, y que comienzan a manifestarse en el proceso de ratificación. Muestra también que sobre un mismo hecho de la política internacional –el acuerdo comercial– coexisten distintas miradas y motivaciones por parte de los actores involucrados. El artículo se organiza de la siguiente manera: luego de la introducción presentamos las definiciones relativas a nuestro marco teórico y encuadre metodológico. En el primer apartado nos centramos en la hipótesis concerniente a los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales. El segundo apartado, toma, por su parte, la de la variable geopolítica y estratégica. La tercera sección expone las características e implicancias del vínculo interregional. Finalmente, se presentan las conclusiones de la investigación.

ABSTRACT The main objectives of this study is to determine the interactions between deposit interest rates, foreign exchange rates and stock market index (LQ45) in Indonesia pre and post crisis 2008. The data period before the crisis is October 2000 until November 2008. The data period after the crisis is December 2008 until December 2015. Descriptive quantitative analysis is used in this research. Descriptive analysis method is performed by using analytical table and graphic. Quantitative analysis method is performed by making a regression equation econometric model with time series method to describe the presence or absence of the influence of the independent variable towards the dependant variable. The result showed that during the pre crisis 2008, unidirectional causality existed from Deposit Interest Rates towards Foreign Exchange Rates, Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Deposit Interest Rates, Deposit Interest Rates towards Stock Market Index(LQ45), and Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Foreign Exchange Rates. The result post crisis 2008 showed that unidirectional causality existed from Foreign Exchange Rates towards Deposit Interest Rates, Deposit Interest Rates towards Foreign Exchange Rates, and Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Foreign Exchange Rates. It is found that the direction of causality between the three variables tends to demonstrate a hit-and-run behavior and changes according to the lag selection. This implies that great caution should be taken when interpreting granger causality result. Keywords: Deposit Interest Rates, Foreign Exchange Rates, Stock Market Index, LQ45, Granger Causality and Subprime MortgageBIBLIOGRAPHY (2008, September 15). 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According to the goals and objectives of the Global Strategy for Plant Conservation for 2011–2020 studying and monitoring the rare component of regional floras is highly relevant. This article presents the results of a nature conservation study of the flora of the Desna Plateau (Кrolevets' and Hlukhiv geobotanic region), situated in the northeast part of Ukraine at the border line of two geomorphological regions (the Central Russian Upland and the Polesia-Dnipro lowland) and of two physical-geographical zones (Novhorod-Sivers`ke Polesia and the Sums`ky forest-steppe. In the orographic aspect, the territory is made up of the western spurs of the Central Russian Upland with the dissectioned forms of the relief. The studied area consists of about 4000 km2. Field route studies aimed at compiling floral lists, geobotanical description and herbarizing were conducted in the period 2002–2016. Separate sites of nature conservation interest were re-examined in different seasonal periods. The basis of the annotated summary of the rare species of vascular plant flora is made up by the materials of original research, as well as herbarium (KW) and literary reviews. The complex floristic analysis of the rare component of the regional flora was carried out in cameral conditions, which made it possible to identify the systematic, geographical, ecological, phytocenological and nature conservation structures of the rare species of vascular plant flora in the investigated area. According to the data received, the total number of species of vascular plants endangered by anthropogenic impact is composed of 85 species belonging to 32 families, 54 genera. Among the families, the following predominate: Orchidaceae (14 genera), Asteraceae, Ranunculaceae (8 genera in each), Iridaceae (5), Aspidiaceae, Cyperaceae (4 genera in each). Among the genera, the following predominate – Carex (4 species); Dryopteris, Orchis, Iris, Jurinea – 3 species in each. It was concluded that among the rare species there are plant species of different physical and geographical zones and this corresponds to the ecotone location of the region. Among species at the edge of their range, 14 are on the extreme northern border of their typical range (Linum flavum L., Carex rhizina Blytt ex Lindb., Centaurea ruthenica Lam., Trinia multicaulis Schishk, Aster amellus L., Galatella linosyris (L.) Rchb. f., Stipa tirsa Steven), 7 species are found on the southern border of their range (Cypripedium calceolus L., Pedicularis sceptrum-carolinum L., Parnassia palustris L., Lycopodium annotinum L., 4 species (Anemone nemorosa L., Salix myrsinifolia Salisb., Galanthus nivalis L., Gladiolus imbricatus L. are found on the eastern border of their distribution. The nature conservation structure includes 4 species from the Bern Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill s.l., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess) Bess); 3species from the supplement to the CITES Convention (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27species from the Red Book of Ukraine (Lilium martagon L., Allium ursinum L., Neottia nidus-avis (L.) Rich, Stipa pennata L.), 49 species from Sumy region rare species list (Clematis recta L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Eremogone saxatilis (L.) Ikonn., Drosera rotundifolia L., Pedicularis kaufmannii Pinzg., Carex limosa L., C.umbrosa Host.). In addition, we suggest including into this list Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T.minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. It was found that among the rare species of the region mesophytes predominate and they are confined to meadow and forest habitats. To a lesser extent, xeromesophytes and xerophytes of meadow-steppe, as well as hygrophytes and hydrophytes of shoreline and water habitats are represented. The nature reserve fund of the region was analyzed according to the methodology of assessing the nature reserves by botanical value priority criteria. To optimize the region's nature reserve fund, a rationale for creating a landscape reserve of local significance "Zvenyhorods'ky" with a total area of 2,000 hectares was compiled, giving it the status of a regional biodiversity centre. ; 37 Придеснянське плато розташоване у північно-східній частині України на межі двох геоморфологічних районів (Середньоруської височини та Полісько-Дніпровської низовини), а також двох фізико-географічних зон (Новгород-Сіверського Полісся та Сумського підвищеного Лісостепу). Екотонне розташування регіону зумовлює досить строкату картину природних умов, ґрунтів, флористичних комплексів, типів рослинності, що становить значний інтерес у плані вивчення та збереження фіторізноманіття. За геоботанічним районуванням територія регіону дослідження площею 4000 км2 належить до Кролевецько-Глухівського геоботанічного району мішаних лісів дубово-ліщинових. Заадміністративним районуванням включає Кролевецький, Глухівський, Путивльський райони Сумської області. Проведені у період 2002–2006 рр. польові маршрутні дослідження зі складанням флористичних списків, геоботанічних описів, гербаризацією рослин дозволили встановити флористичний склад території, виявити найцінніші у фітосозологічному плані ділянки. У період 2006–2016 років проведено моніторингові дослідження раритетної компоненти флори в різні сезонні періоди. На території регіону зростають 85 рідкісних видів судинних рослин із 54 родів 32 родин. У результаті географічного аналізу виявлено 14 примежово-ареальних видів рослин, що цілком відповідає екотонному розташуванню регіону. За екологічною та еколого-фітоценологічною структурою у флорі рідкісних видів переважають мезофіти лучних та лісових місцезростань. Вагома частка ксеромезофітів і ксерофітів, приурочених до лучно-степових ділянок у місцях близького залягання до денної поверхні крейдяних відкладів. У созологічній структурі флори представлено чотири види з переліку таксонів Бернської конвенції про охорону дикої флори та фауни та природних середовищ існування в Європі (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess.) Bess.), три види з Додатка Конвенції CITES (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27 видів із переліку Червоної книги України, 49 видів із списку охорони рослин Сумської області. Проведено аналіз природно-заповідної мережі території Придеснянського плато за пріоритетними критеріями ботанічної цінності відповідно до методики оцінювання мереж природно-заповідних територій. Найнижчі показники ландшафтної репрезентативності має територія Глухівського району, де частка природно-заповідних територій у загальній площі району складає 3,5%. Запропоновано охороняти на цій території Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T. minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. Підготовлено обґрунтування для створення ландшафтного заказника місцевого значення «Звенигородський» (2000 га). Заказник розташований у межах долини р. Клевень, яка межує з прилеглими територіями Росії та у перспективі може увійти до складу транскордонних природно-заповідних територій. ; 37 Придеснянське плато розташоване у північно-східній частині України на межі двох геоморфологічних районів (Середньоруської височини та Полісько-Дніпровської низовини), а також двох фізико-географічних зон (Новгород-Сіверського Полісся та Сумського підвищеного Лісостепу). Екотонне розташування регіону зумовлює досить строкату картину природних умов, ґрунтів, флористичних комплексів, типів рослинності, що становить значний інтерес у плані вивчення та збереження фіторізноманіття. За геоботанічним районуванням територія регіону дослідження площею 4000 км2 належить до Кролевецько-Глухівського геоботанічного району мішаних лісів дубово-ліщинових. Заадміністративним районуванням включає Кролевецький, Глухівський, Путивльський райони Сумської області. Проведені у період 2002–2006 рр. польові маршрутні дослідження зі складанням флористичних списків, геоботанічних описів, гербаризацією рослин дозволили встановити флористичний склад території, виявити найцінніші у фітосозологічному плані ділянки. У період 2006–2016 років проведено моніторингові дослідження раритетної компоненти флори в різні сезонні періоди. На території регіону зростають 85 рідкісних видів судинних рослин із 54 родів 32 родин. У результаті географічного аналізу виявлено 14 примежово-ареальних видів рослин, що цілком відповідає екотонному розташуванню регіону. За екологічною та еколого-фітоценологічною структурою у флорі рідкісних видів переважають мезофіти лучних та лісових місцезростань. Вагома частка ксеромезофітів і ксерофітів, приурочених до лучно-степових ділянок у місцях близького залягання до денної поверхні крейдяних відкладів. У созологічній структурі флори представлено чотири види з переліку таксонів Бернської конвенції про охорону дикої флори та фауни та природних середовищ існування в Європі (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess.) Bess.), три види з Додатка Конвенції CITES (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27 видів із переліку Червоної книги України, 49 видів із списку охорони рослин Сумської області. Проведено аналіз природно-заповідної мережі території Придеснянського плато за пріоритетними критеріями ботанічної цінності відповідно до методики оцінювання мереж природно-заповідних територій. Найнижчі показники ландшафтної репрезентативності має територія Глухівського району, де частка природно-заповідних територій у загальній площі району складає 3,5%. Запропоновано охороняти на цій території Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T. minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. Підготовлено обґрунтування для створення ландшафтного заказника місцевого значення «Звенигородський» (2000 га). Заказник розташований у межах долини р. Клевень, яка межує з прилеглими територіями Росії та у перспективі може увійти до складу транскордонних природно-заповідних територій.

This thesis investigates the narrated experiences of a number of individuals that migrated to Argentina from Russia and Ukraine in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union. The over-arching aim of this thesis is to study the ways in which these migrants navigated the social reality in Argentina, with regards to available physical, material, and socioeconomic positions as well as with regards to their narrated self-understandings and identifications. The empirical data consists of ethnographic in-depth interviews and participatory observation from Buenos Aires between the years 2011 and 2014. Through the theoretical frameworks of political discourse theory, critical race studies, auto-ethnography, and theories on coloniality, the author examines questions of migration, mobility, race, class, and gender in the processes of re-establishing a life in a new context. The interviewees were not only directly affected by the collapse of the USSR in the sense that it drastically changed their terrain of possible futures as well as retroactive understandings of their pasts, but they also began their lives in Argentina during the turmoil of the economic crisis that culminated in 2001. Central to this thesis is how these dislocatory events impacted the interviewees' possibilities and limitations for living the life they had expected, and thus how discursive structures affect subject positions and identifications, and thereby create specific conditions for different relocatory trajectories. By focusing on how these individuals narrate their reasons for migration and their integration into Argentine labor and housing markets, the author demonstrates the role Argentine and East European history, as well as the neoliberal restructuring of the postsocialist region and Argentina in the 1990's, had for self-understandings, subject positions, identities, and mobility. Various intersections of power, and particularly the making of race and whiteness, are important for the way that the interviewees negotiated subject positions and identifications. The author addresses how affect and hope played a part in these processes and how downward mobility was articulated and made meaningful. She also examines how participants' ideas about a "good life" were related to understandings of the past, questions of race, social inequality, and a logic of coloniality. ; Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur ett antal individer som migrerade från Ryssland och Ukraina till Argentina efter Sovjetunionens fall berättar om sin erfarenhet. Det övergripande syftet är att studera hur dessa migranter navigerade i den sociala verkligheten i Argentina, särskilt vad det gäller kroppsliga, materiella och socioekonomiska positioner, såväl som hur detta påverkat deras berättade självförståelse och identifikationer. Det empiriska materialet består av etnografiska djupintervjuer och deltagande observationer gjorda i Buenos Aires mellan åren 2011 och 2014. Författaren använder sig av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av politisk diskursteori, kritiska ras- och vithetsstudier, autoetnografi och teorier om kolonialitet för att undersöka frågor om migration, mobilitet, rasialisering, klass och kön i en kontext av återetablering av ett liv i ett nytt samhälle. De som intervjuas i denna avhandling påverkades inte bara av Sovjetunionens kollaps, på så sätt att det påverkade deras förståelse av möjlig framtid samt deras retroaktiva förståelser av det förflutna, utan de påbörjade även sina nya liv i Argentina under den ekonomiska krisen som kulminerade år 2001. Centralt i avhandlingen är hur dessa dislokatoriska händelser inverkade på de intervjuades möjligheter och begränsningar för att kunna leva det liv som de hade förväntat sig, och därmed hur diskursiva strukturer påverkar subjektspositioner och identifikationer och därmed skapar specifika villkor för olika vägar för återetablering. Genom fokus på hur dessa individer berättar om sina anledningar för migrationen och om deras väg in i den argentinska arbets- och bostadsmarknaden visar författaren vilken roll argentinsk och östeuropeisk historia, såväl som 1990-talets nyliberala omstrukturering av den postsovjetiska regionen och Argentina, hade för deras självförståelse, subjektspositioner, identitet och mobilitet. Viktigt för hur de intervjuade förhandlade om olika subjektspositioner och identifikationer är intersektionella maktordningar och särskilt skapandet av ras och vithet. Författaren analyserar hur affekt och hopp spelade en roll i dessa processer och hur social deklassering artikulerades och gjordes meningsfull. Här undersöks även hur de intervjuades idéer om möjligheten att leva ett "gott liv" var sammanflätade med förståelser av det förflutna, rasialisering, social ojämlikhet och en logik som präglades av kolonialitet. ; Тема этой диссертации – это личный опыт ряда индивидуумов, переехавших в Аргентину вскоре после распада Советского Союза, на основе их собственных повествований. Основная цель работы заключается в исследовании того, как мигранты-участники вписывались в общественную реальность Аргентины на фоне её превалирующих физических, материальных и социо-экономических позиций, а также по отношению к тому, как согласно их рассказам, эти люди сами себя воспринимали и идентифицировали. Эмпирическая компонента диссертации включает в себя комплекс углубленных этнографических интервью и включенного наблюдения, проводимых в Буэнос Айрес в 2011 -2014 гг. Автор изучает вопросы миграции, класса, социальной мобильности, расы и гендера в процессе переустановки жизни в новых условиях, руководствуясь теоретическими посылами теорий политического дискурса, критических расовых исследований (critical race studies), автоэтнографии и теорий колониальности. В дополнение к тому факту, что на интервьюируемых оказал непосредственное влияние распад Советского Союза, который кардинальным образом изменил как возможные сценарии их будущего, так и ретроактивные интерпретации их прошлого, эти люди начали свою новую жизнь в Аргентине сразу после сумятицы экономического кризиса, достигшего кульминации в 2001 г. Центральным аспектом диссертации является изучение воздействия, которое имели эти дислоцирующие обстоятельства на спектр естественных возможностей и преград на пути реализации жизненного проекта участников исследования, как они себе его представляли, а также какое влияние оказывают соответствующие дискурсивные структуры на позиции и идентификации субъектов, обуславливая определенные условия реализации различных траекторий их жизни в эмиграции. Фокусируя внимание на том, как эти индивидуумы повествуют о том, что побудило их к эмиграции в Аргентину и интеграции в местные рынки труда и жилья, автор подчеркивает ту роль, которую сыграли в этом особенности как аргентинской, так и восточноевропейской истории, наряду с более поздними структурными изменениями 90х гг., происходившими как на постсоветском, так и аргентинском пространствах в эпоху неолиберализма. Это касается в равной степени аспектов самовосприятия, позиций субъектов, а также вопросов их идентификации и мобильности. Важной составляющей того, каким образом интервьюируемые устанавливали рамки своей субъективной идентификации и позиции, являлись различные грани концепции власти; в частности того, как возникают понятия расы и 'белизны' (whiteness). Автор обращается к вопросу, какую роль в этих процессах сыграли аффект и надежда, и как субъекты исследования артикулировали и находили смысл в своей нисходящей мобильности. Параллельно автор анализирует то, как представления участников о "хорошей жизни" ставились ими в зависимость от их собственной интерпретации прошлого, наряду с вопросами расы, общественного неравенства и колониальной логики. ; Esta tesis investiga las experiencias narradas por una serie de individuos que emigraron a Argentina desde Rusia y Ucrania a raíz de la caída de la Unión Soviética. Su objetivo general es estudiar el modo en que estos inmigrantes transitaron la realidad social argentina en lo que se refiere a las posiciones físicas, materiales y socioeconómicas disponibles, así como también a su auto-comprensión y a las identidades construidas desde sus narraciones. La autora examina cuestiones de migración, movilidad, raza, clase y género en los procesos de restablecimiento de la vida de estos sujetos a través del marco de la teoría política del discurso, los estudios críticos de la raza, la auto-etnografía y teorías sobre la colonialidad. Los datos empíricos consisten en entrevistas etnográficas en profundidad y observación participante realizadas en Buenos Aires entre los años 2011 y 2014. Los entrevistados no sólo se vieron directamente afectados por el colapso de la URSS en el sentido de que éste cambió drásticamente su terreno de futuros posibles y la comprensión retroactiva de su pasado, sino que también comenzaron sus vidas en Argentina durante las turbulencias de la crisis económica que estalló en el año 2001. En esta tesis, es central la indagación sobre cómo estos eventos dislocatorios impactaron en las posibilidades y limitaciones de los entrevistados para vivir la vida que esperaban y cómo las estructuras discursivas afectan las posiciones y las identificaciones de los sujetos, creando condiciones específicas para diferentes trayectorias de reubicación. Al enfocarse en cómo estos individuos narran sus razones para la migración y su integración en los mercados laborales y de la vivienda en Argentina, la autora demuestra el papel que tienen en las auto-comprensiones, posiciones de sujeto, identidades y movilidad, tanto la historia argentina y de Europa del Este, así como también la reestructuración neoliberal de la región postsocialista y de la Argentina en los años 90. Diversas intersecciones de poder, y particularmente la raza y la blancura son importantes para la manera en que los entrevistados negociaron posiciones subjetivas e identificaciones. La autora aborda cómo el afecto y la esperanza desempeñaron un papel en estos procesos y cómo la movilidad descendente se articuló y se hizo significativa. También examina cómo las ideas de los participantes acerca de una "buena vida" se relacionan con la comprensión del pasado, las cuestiones de raza, desigualdad social y una lógica colonial.