Suchergebnisse

Demokracija je oblika oblasti, ki jo danes večina ljudi dojema kot najbližjo idealni ureditvi države, saj temelji na svobodi, enakosti in varnosti – ciljih, za katere bi si morala prizadevati sodobna družba. V uvodu, ki je hkrati prvo poglavje magistrske naloge, podajam opredelitve demokracije in ustavne demokracije na način, kot jih trenutno razumem sama. V drugem poglavju se ukvarjam z načeli in pogoji ustavne demokracije ter z ustavno demokracijo v Republiki Sloveniji. V tretjem poglavju poskušam poudariti pomen ustave. Najbolj me zanima, ali ustava kot najpomembnejši pravni in politični akt svobodo v demokratični ureditvi omejuje ali jo zagotavlja. Čeprav je demokracija nepredstavljiva brez svobode kot svojega temeljnega elementa, ta svoboda ne sme in ne more biti neomejena. Si lahko predstavljamo družbo, v kateri svoboda nima meje, v kateri ni vrhovnega zakona, na katerega bi se lahko vsak posameznik skliceval, ko njegove pravice ogroža država ali drug posameznik? Prvo ključno vprašanje, s katerim se v tem kontekstu ukvarjam, je del četrtega poglavja z naslovom »Človekove pravice in svoboščine – srž ustavne demokracije?«. V petem poglavju namenim pozornost Ustavnemu sodišču. Bistvo ustavne demokracije je Ustavno sodišče opredelilo v odločbi št. U-I-111/04 z dne 8. 7. 2004, ki jo predstavim na koncu magistrske naloge. V sklepu predstavim moj osebni pogled na politični sistem, kakšna je ustavna demokracija ter potrdim oziroma zavrnem postavljene hipoteze ; Democracy is a form of government that is perceived by most people today as the closest to the ideal form of a state, since it is based on freedom, equality and security – the goals that every modern society should aim for. The introduction of the master's thesis, which is also its first chapter, defines democracy and constitutional democracy from our point of view. The second chapter focuses on the principles and conditions of the constitutional democracy and briefly presents the constitutional democracy in the Republic of Slovenia. The third chapter tries to underline the significance of the Constitution. We were mostly interested if the Constitution as the most important legal and political act in a democratic systemrestricts or guarantees ourfreedom. Although democracy is unperceivable without freedom as its fundamental element, it must not and cannot be unlimited. Is it possible to imagine a society in which freedom is unlimited and where there is no supreme law one can refer to in case their rights are undermined by the state or another individual? The first key question that is raised in this context is part of the forth chapter, titled Human Rights and Liberties – Core of Constitutional Democracy? The fifth chapter deals with the Constitutional Court. The essence of the constitutional democracy was defined by the Constitutional Court in the U-I111/04 decree on July 8th, 2004, which is presented at the very end of our master's thesis. The conclusion encompasses our personal view of the political system, such as the constitutional democracy, and either confirms or refutes our set hypotheses.

V izbranem obdobju 2003–2012 smo s pomočjo nekaterih glavnih ekonomskih kazalnikov uspeli preučiti gospodarske razmere Slovenije in Hrvaške ter ugotovili, da se je po letu 2008 z začetkom finančne in gospodarske krize gospodarska aktivnost začela zmanjševati ter s tem vplivala na poslabšanje vseh ekonomskih kazalnikov. Stopnje gospodarske rasti so tako v letu 2012 bile negativne v obeh državah, prav tako se je v obeh državah zmanjšal pokazatelj gospodarske razvitosti, BDP na prebivalca po pariteti kupne moči, ki je v Sloveniji leta 2012 znašal 84 % povprečja EU-28, na Hrvaškem pa le 62 % evropskega povprečja. Po uradnih statističnih podatkih je nacionalna raven cen v letu 2012 v Sloveniji dosegla 82,9 % povprečja EU-28, medtem ko je na Hrvaškem dosegla 69,9 % evropskega povprečja. V empiričnem delu smo analizirali ravni cen 578 artiklov blaga in 91 storitev, najprej na nacionalni ravni med Slovenijo in Hrvaško, nato pa še med posameznima paroma mest Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin. Ugotovili smo naslednje:Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Sloveniji za 13 % višja v primerjavi s Hrvaško. Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Ljubljani za 15 % višja v primerjavi z Zagrebom. Raven cen opazovanega vzorca blaga in storitev je v Mariboru za 12 % višja v primerjavi z Varaždinom. Med Slovenijo in Hrvaško ter med posameznima paroma mest Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin obstaja sorazmerno visoka stopnja podobnosti drobnoprodajnih cen. Relativna kupna moč slovenskih plač je v primerjavi s hrvaškimi višja za dobro petino. ; Between the selected period 2003–2012 we were able to examine economic conditions of Slovenia and Croatia with the help of some of the major economic indicators and found out that after 2008 with the beginning of the financial and economic crisis, economic activity began to decline, thereby affecting the deterioration of economic indicators. In 2012 the economic growth rates were negative in both countries, as well as the indicator of economic development has been reduced. GDP per capita in purchasing power parity in Slovenia has reached 84 % of the EU-28 average and Croatia only 62 % of the European average. According to the official statistical data, the national price level in 2012 in Slovenia reached 82,9 % of the EU-28 average, while in Croatia it has reached 69,9 % of the European average. In the empirical part, we have analyzed the price levels of 578 goods and 91 services, at first on the national level between Slovenia and Croatia, and then by individual pairs of cities Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin. We have found out the following: The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 13 % higher in Slovenia as compared to Croatia. The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 15 % higher in Ljubljana as compared to Zagreb. The price level of the observed sample of goods and services is 12 % higher in Maribor as compared to Varaždin. Between Slovenia and Croatia, and between pairs of cities Ljubljana-Zagreb in Maribor-Varaždin, there is a relatively high degree of retail price similarity. Slovenian relative purchasing power of wages is higher by about one fifth in comparison with the Croatian.

Magistrska diplomska naloga nosi naslov Odločanje Sodišča Evropske unije o pristojnosti. V nalogi sem sprva opisala temeljna načela, ki so vodilo delovanja Sodišča Evropske unije, ter se seznanila z njihovo uporabo in razlago v praksi. Ugotovila sem, da med pravnim redom Evropske unije in pravnimi redi držav članic velja načelo nadrejenosti ter da je pravni red Evropske unije superioren. Sledilo je raziskovanje, kako Sodišče Evropske unije odloča o pristojnosti, pri čemer sem spoznala, da ima Sodišče Evropske unije zelo pomembno vlogo, ko odloča o razmejitvi pristojnosti med državo članico ter Evropsko unijo. S sodno prakso namreč riše mejo med avtonomnostjo države članice ter posegi v njeno avtonomnost s strani Evropske unije. Nato sem opisala in spoznavala kakšne so njegove pristojnosti ter kakšni so postopki, ki jih Sodišče Evropske unije uporablja pri svojem odločanju. Ugotovila sem, da je temeljna naloga Sodišča Evropske unije skrbeti za enotno razlago in uporabo prava Evropske unije. Ugotovila sem, da Sodišče Evropske unije skozi sodno prakso čedalje bolj širi svoje pristojnosti in krepi svojo vlogo v razmerju do držav članic, čeprav v praksi vse države članice temu niso prav naklonjene. Na koncu naloge sem opisala in pojasnila, kako so se pristojnosti Sodišča Evropske unije okrepile po sprejemu Lizbonske pogodbe, ter poskušala poiskati razlike ter podobnosti med sistemom delitve oblasti v Evropski uniji ter sistemom delitve oblasti v zvezni državi, predvsem s strani odločanja Sodišča Evropske unije ter njegovih pristojnosti. ; In this assignment, I first described the fundamental principles that constitute the functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and took note of their application and interpretation into practice. I have discovered that the principle of superiority is applied between the legal order of Member States and the rule of European Union in which the legal order of the European Union is superior. This was followed by a study of how the European Court of Justice decides on jurisdiction, and I realized that the Court of Justice of the European Union plays a very important role in deciding on the delimitation of competences between a Member State and the European Union. Through its case-law the Court of Justice of the European Union draws the boundary between the autonomy of a Member State and interference with Member States' autonomy by the European Union. I then described and learned about what its competences are and what are the procedures used by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its decision-making. I have found out that the fundamental task of the Court of Justice of the European Union is to ensure uniform interpretation and application of European Union law. I have found that the Court of Justice of the European Union increasingly expands its jurisdiction through jurisprudence and strengthens its role vis-à ; -vis Member States, although in practice all Member States do not favor this right. At the end of the thesis, I described and explained how the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union was strengthened after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, and sought to find differences and similarities between the system of division of power in the European Union and the system of division of power in the federal state, notably through the decision-making of the Court and its powers.

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.