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"Former Prime Minister Theresa May exposes the abuse of power by public institutions and politicians in a series of riveting first-hand accounts from her time in office. As Prime Minister for three years and Home Secretary for six years, Theresa May confronted a series of issues in which the abuse of power led to devastating results for individuals and significantly damaged the reputation of, and trust in, public institutions and politicians. From the Hillsborough and Grenfell tragedies, to the Daniel Morgan case and parliamentary scandals, the powerful repeatedly chose to use their power not in the interests of the powerless but to serve themselves or to protect the organisation to which they belonged. The Abuse of Power is a searing expose of injustice and an impassioned call to exercise power for the greater good. Drawing on examples from domestic and international affairs she was personally involved in at the highest level, including Stop and Search and the Salisbury Poisonings, the former prime minister argues for a radical rethink in how we approach our politics and public life"--Publisher's description
This wide-ranging comparative account of the legal regimes for controlling administrative power in England, the USA and Australia argues that differences and similarities between control regimes may be partly explained by the constitutional structures of the systems of government in which they are embedded. It applies social-scientific and historical methods to the comparative study of law and legal systems in a novel and innovative way, and combines accounts of long-term and large-scale patterns of power distribution with detailed analysis of features of administrative law and the administrative justice systems of three jurisdictions. It also proposes a new method of analysing systems of government based on two different models of the distribution of public power (diffusion and concentration), a model which proves more illuminating than traditional separation-of-powers analysis
Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Part 1: Legal and Societal Limits to Police Power in Early America (1600s-1800s) -- Fourth Amendment -- Fifth Amendment -- Sixth Amendment -- Sir Robert Peel and Principles of Modern Policing -- Bow Street Runners -- Southern Slave Patrols -- Colonial Night Watches -- Pinkerton Detective Agency and Private Policing -- Law Enforcement in the Wild West -- International Association of Chiefs of Police -- Crime Control versus Due Process -- Part 2: Technological Advances and the Rise of Organized Crime (1900-1950) -- Charles Becker (1870-1915) -- Gangsters of the 1900s -- Secret Service -- Teddy Roosevelt's Fight against Police Corruption -- ACLU -- J. Edgar Hoover (1895-1972), Director of the FBI -- Wickersham Report on Soaring Crime during Prohibition -- Brown v. Mississippi -- National Firearms Act -- Police Misconduct during the L.A. Zoot Suit Riots -- Uniform Crime Reports -- Wiretapping -- Part 3: Law Enforcement in an Era of Political and Social Upheaval (1950-1975) -- Miranda v. Arizona -- Mapp v. Ohio -- Terry v. Ohio -- Kerner Commission Report on Race Riots and Police Response -- Chicago Police during the 1968 Democratic National Convention -- Increase in Violent Crime Rate and Risk to Law Enforcement -- Control Theory -- Knapp Commission -- Frank Serpico (1936-) -- Summerdale Scandal -- Church Committee Investigation of FBI Surveillance -- Police Authority to Detain -- Corruption -- RICO Act -- Part 4: A New Mandate for Exercising Police Power (1975-2000) -- Wilson and Kelling's Broken Windows Theory -- Fleeing Felon Legislation -- Rodney King Beating and Riots -- "Law and Order" as a Popular Political Slogan -- William Bratton (1947-), Police Commissioner -- Ruby Ridge and the Waco Siege -- Zero Tolerance Policy
In: Cambridge studies in the theory of democracy
Can we talk about 'the people' as an agent with its own morally important integrity? How should we understand ownership of public property by 'the people'? Nili develops philosophical answers to both of these questions, arguing that we should see the core project of a liberal legal system - realizing equal rights - as an identity-grounding project of the sovereign people, and thus as essential to the people's integrity. He also suggests that there are proprietary claims that are intertwined in the sovereign people's moral power to create property rights through the legal system. The practical value of these ideas is illustrated through a variety of real-world policy problems, ranging from the domestic and international dimensions of corruption and abuse of power, through transitional justice issues, to the ethnic and religious divides that threaten liberal democracy. This book will appeal to political theorists as well as readers in public policy, area studies, law, and across the social sciences.
World Affairs Online
How presidents use secrecy to protect the nation, foster diplomacy, and gain power Ever since the nation's most important secret meeting-the Constitutional Convention-presidents have struggled to balance open, accountable government with necessary secrecy in military affairs and negotiations. For the first one hundred and twenty years, a culture of open government persisted, but new threats and technology have long since shattered the old bargains. Today, presidents neither protect vital information nor provide the open debate Americans expect. Mary Graham tracks the rise in governmental sec.
How presidents use secrecy to protect the nation, foster diplomacy, and gain power Ever since the nation's most important secret meeting—the Constitutional Convention—presidents have struggled to balance open, accountable government with necessary secrecy in military affairs and negotiations. For the first one hundred and twenty years, a culture of open government persisted, but new threats and technology have long since shattered the old bargains. Today, presidents neither protect vital information nor provide the open debate Americans expect. Mary Graham tracks the rise in governmental secrecy that began with surveillance and loyalty programs during Woodrow Wilson's administration, explores how it developed during the Cold War, and analyzes efforts to reform the secrecy apparatus and restore oversight in the 1970s. Chronicling the expansion of presidential secrecy in the Bush years, Graham explains what presidents and the American people can learn from earlier crises, why the attempts of Congress to rein in stealth activities don't work, and why presidents cannot hide actions that affect citizens' rights and values