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The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Due to the historical experience with the Weimar Republic, some abiding constitutional principles have been built into the new Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (its Fundamental Law). Instead of the positivist & formalistic interpretation of democracy of the Weimar Constitution, the authors of the Fundamental Law have opted for the concept of the so-called "militant democracy" i.e. democracy firmly linked to certain values. The concept of "militant democracy" is found in a number of articles in the German Fundamental Law, as a preemptive protection of democracy & a bulwark against extremist positions even before extremist groups break any law. The concept of "militant democracy" is based on the democratic theoretical & sociological-philosophical assumptions by Karl Loewenstein & Karl Mannheim. They have been converted into constitutional practice & incorporated into the Gennan Fundamental Law. However, the instruments of "militant democracy" do not include only the protective measures stipulated by the Constitution but an array of other measures of different intensity. Various instruments of "militant democracy" meant to protect democracy in the FR of Germany are described & include the discursive, penal-legal, administrative & constitutional-legal protection of democracy. The instruments of the protection of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany are not unique, but some instruments e.g. the possibility of banning political parties are very rare in western democracies. & finally, this situation is briefly compared to the situation in some western & postcommunist democracies. References. Adapted from the source document.

The central question in addressing the subject of confidential information is to define the borderline between citizens' "right to know" & the general interest of keeping certain information confidential -- in a word, between justifiable & unjustifiable secrets. This area includes parts of administrative & public media law & the theory of public law. The paper is limited to the analysis of the issue of classified information in state possession (state, military, & official secrets) on three levels: theoretical, comparative, & that of legislation in Croatia. The essential elements of the theoretical concept of confidentiality are the possession of the information kept secret from others; deliberate concealment; & social context. A secret can have different forms: strategic, private, pressing, sequential, collective, petty, deep, simple, exploited, & conspiratorial, as in a plot. The theoretical analysis of confidentiality deals with the questions of contemporary forms of the manipulation of information (defining agendas & priorities, "quantitative overload," lobbying) & with the generic issue of the process of decision making, lies, & half-truths. In closing, the author offers certain elements for legislation regarding classified information. 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

The continuity with the former federal & republic nationality in the successor states of former SFRY confirms that it has kept on being regulated by their internal laws. However, not in all cases regulations of citizenship have been implemented in accordance with the provisions that are defined by international law. The basic nationality principles have not been applied to the citizens of different ethnic origin. For their own political interests the states did not take measures to duly grant citizenship to the persons that at the time of succession were nationals of the predecessor state. The delay in passing & implementing the laws, non-respect of the right of option, the exclusiveness of domestic citizenship & the absence of solutions for the protection of family unity had a negative reflection on the achievement of rights of citizens. The problems have gradually been overcome by introducing novelties in laws, by adopting administrative legislation & jurisprudence of the successor states, but as far as equality before the law is concerned some issues have remained unsolved. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is Locke's classical thesis that the rulers & the ruled are subject to universal laws & that their abuses are prevented by the institutional means of power sharing. The rule according to which nobody can be a judge in their own affairs unconditionally applies in all court or administrative proceedings. The problem arises when this legal thinking is applied to parliaments. Namely, in parliamentary work the incompatibility of the mandates of the legislative & the executive branch is annulled since the executive power gains the upper hand in the composition & substance of the legislature. Besides, The basic law (Grundgesetz) provides MPs with indemnity in their voting behavior & guarantees to them immunity from punishment for certain acts that other citizens would not be able to get away with. This relative freedom & independence of MPs is corrected by the rule books on the behavior of MPs that envision the necessity of their ethical conduct. The violations of the rules are sanctioned not so much by moderatorial law as by political means. The author's opinion is that deciding on their own affairs cannot be universally granted to parliaments. Constitutions allow, even call for, certain decisions on one's own affairs to be made. However, due to insufficient outside control, self-control must be increased, which implies legal obedience on the part of MPs so that laws become meaningful for all participants. Besides the ethical & political pressures that force the MPs to behave in a law-abiding manner, laws also exert positive pressure on them to see to it that their decisions serve the public good. Adapted from the source document.

In Croatia, the issue of the legal status of the sources of journalists' information as well as the status of journalists who publish sensitive information is increasingly gaining prominence. This is a subject that includes elements of constitutional, media, labor, civil, & penal law. The essay is limited to people as information sources. The sources can be divided into internal & external. The rationale for the sources' confidentiality privilege lies in the fact that journalists serve public goals & their sources can find themselves imperiled. According to the author's classification, the risks of this privilege are faced either by the sources (direct or indirect manipulation, smear campaigns, misapprehensions) or by the journalists ("protecting" a fictional source, subsequent blackmail of the source, misapprehensions). In Croatia, the protection of the information sources is defined in Article 12 of the Law on Public Information. The author outlines the major comparative systems of regulation of this field, the examples of antinomies among different Croatian regulations (the principles for their resolution are also offered) & analyzes the position of certain types of sources in relation to the Croatian law. And finally, the author compares the regulations of the Croatian law with the comparative systems, analyzes the representation of certain forms of responsibility of certain types of subjects & lists the principles he deems most important regarding journalists' work (the necessity of protecting the sources, the responsibility of journalists toward their sources, the different legal status of journalists & their sources, the protection of privacy, the verification of confidentiality, the more dominant interest, the importance of administrative ethics, the familiarity with the regulations, the adequate legal definition of a secret). 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central preoccupation of Dag Strpic is the theoretical paradigm of understanding modernity -- specifically, in the sense of Marx's project of political economy critique. The focal point of his line of argument is the theory of labour value: a complex perception thereof should acquire core status within the "general theory" of modern society. Marxist political economy insisted on an immediate market application of Marx's value theory, and it showed indirectly that the theory was operatively inapplicable. At the same time, however, in doctrinaire versions of "economics" both the value theory and the entire corps of Marx's critique were dropped out. In opposition to the profuse ideologized practical-normative elaboration of the doctrine of self-administrative association of labour, at the time of its uncontested domination, Strpic clearly discerned that we are dealing with the principal orientation of the epochal social, economic and, above all, technological and communicational transformation which can be observed in global relations. But for him the essential theoretical question had to do with the underlying principles of the actual unfolding of the processes of socialization and association. In this respect, it is fitting at present to point to the paradigmatic change which Negri perceives in the tendential hegemony of non-material labour, resulting in the necessity to circumscribe the political language of transfer from modernity to postmodernity in the analyses of political science and philosophy. Adapted from the source document.