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This article deals with the Western countries reaction on "Arab Spring" phenomenon (a revolutionary wave of demonstration and protests against the power of country), especially the United States, Germany and France. The selection of countries was based on the following criteria: first of all, the US is a major power in the World and a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization; secondly, France and Germany are main European players due to European Union membership. Additionally, France maintains good relations with North African countries, while Germany is more neutral and represents economic power within the European continent, which might gain the trust of Arabic World. ; Artykuł został poświęcony reakcji krajów zachodniej części globu na zjawisko "Arabskiej Wiosny" (rewolucyjnej fali demonstracji i protestów przeciwko panującej władzy) na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych, Niemiec i Francji. Wybór państw dokonano w oparciu o następujące kryteria: po pierwsze – USA są mocarstwem globalnym i członkiem Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego; po drugie – Francja i Niemcy należą do istotnych graczy europejskich ze względu na przynależność do struktur Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo Francja posiada dobre relacje z krajami Afryki Północnej, natomiast Niemcy są bardziej neutralne i stanowią potęgę gospodarczą w obrębie własnego kontynentu, co może budzić zaufanie świata arabskiego.

Article describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage. ; The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage.

The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage. ; The main aim of the article was the presentation of the tendencies of economic relations development of the European Union with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the conditions of globalisation. The success of the Russian political leaders in their bilateral relations with the European Union show how important, in the mutual is approaching, are the rules and effectiveness of the international system built up in the past sixty years. An objective interest of the transatlantic community is therefore to the west, for safe and prosperous Russia, was idealistic and at the same time realistic. At the same time as it is also important, that Russia and not Africa whether the Middle East, is for Europe force, with the strategic nature. In the long term, to the european economy effectively and permanently follow in globalisation processes and that term was competitive with, Russia and China must first become innovative economy. In terms of prospective it should be emphasised that the best hope for the peaceful development of the international cooperation offers the most important actors contemporary on the world stage.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.

Official Development Aid as an idea is an implement of assistance, a kind of redistribution of the global income on the governmental level. Nevertheless, it is also a source of influence and as a result peculiarly understood imperialism. The opposition between political vision and reality is the factor which backs up this thesis. Political plans and prospects of the EU aid policy, such as "The European Consensus of Development" or "The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership", are concerned about supporting good governance and providing fair conditions of international trade. On the other hand, introducing this policy often, more or less, increases dependency of poor economies on the rich. It is also not eradicated from the European Union policy, for example in the case of the European Development Bank. However, EU development aid, coming to 49 billions euro, could be named munificent when compared to the United States. U.S. Official Development Aid amounts to only 0,19% of GDP, when the obligations confirmed by the government in a few declarations, among which is the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, are about 0,7% of GDP. Secondly it is commonly shaped as an interrelated aid, which augment dependency of the recipient country. International institutions established in Bretton Woods, like International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, have also a huge impact on the way of development of poor countries. There are a lot of groups of interest whose opinions are clear – above-mentioned institutions are the U.S. instruments of imperialism. It is caused by American predominance in these institutions and the line of policy which it supports. In the XXI century imperial aspirations are also present in recently developing countries – like China or Brazil. Changing roles in the system of international relations are now coming, creating a diffusion between clubs of rich North and poor, developing South. Leaders of development from developing countries are trying to build a strong position in relations with recipients of ODA. It is easier for them than for the West, mostly because of the lack of bad, colonial past relations. Their imperialism is not linked with history whatsoever, making their role of foreign relations easier to build up. Despite these cases of using development assistance in order to build up an imperium, there are a lot of non-governmental institutions whose perception of aid is beyond politics and burdens of imperialism. Best example of that is Grameen Bank – an institution founded by M. yunus, a Noble Prize winner. Its way of helping people is mainly intended to being unprofitable. There are a lot of ideas about how to describe development aid – more like a charity or kind of imperialism. Some aspects of business are desirable in ODA, partly because of increasing efficiency. It is economically proved that the return of capital in any way of benefit will strengthen willingness to providing aid. On the other hand, people are naturally liable to help and perform activities which do not give them any interest or gain. What is most interesting – nowadays developing countries are strengthening and they are evaluating theirs powers as equal partners of the rich, developed world. It comprises change in the system of international relations. Moreover United Nations should find a way of enforcing obligations of donors – like 0,7 percent of GDP for ODA to 2015. If the line of politics is steady, similar to current line, this goal will not be reached, so ODA will be more seen as a way of imperialism than help. In general, there are a lot of aspects of development which indicate that ODA is an implement of imperialism. On the other hand – some kind of interest improves the willingness of donors to provide aid. Besides that question – imperial or not – development aid is still increasing the number of people whose conditions of living are better because of ODA.