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Three historical milestones allow a reflection on the narratives of transnational radio stations in Africa: the expansion of transnational channels in Africa, after the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War; the holding of the "Conference of non-aligned countries" in Bandung, 1955, which expressed the will of sovereignty of the countries of Africa and Asia; the "Media and development forum" held in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, which expressed the desire to "decolonize information". These great events aroused a certain interest in the field of Radio Studies in Africa. The present reflection aims to analyze the narratives of Western radio stations in Africa, which it focuses on the historical review of the role of radio as a mean of expanding Western imperialism. From a different perspective, the reflection tries to capture the latest trends in ideological and discursive changes in international radio in Africa: internationalized participation, the promotion of democracy awareness, and the awakening of human rights. The emergence of the new narratives of Africans radio stations, mediated by web radios on the platforms of social networks on the internet and their potential, are other points of reflection. In an analysis of this historical information, the study opted for an interpretative approach to the documentation, conference statements, and literature produced on international radio in Africa, what comes close to the topological analysis developed by sociologist Max Weber on the ideal types, an interpretative and explanatory hermeneutic, in which texts, ideologies, culture and historical periods must be understood as symbols that must be elucidated within their systems of signification. This analysis model extracts typical elements from the bibliographic material and describes them in detail. ; Três marcos históricos permitem uma reflexão sobre as narrativas das rádios transnacionais em África: a expansão de canais transnacionais em África, depois da II Guerra Mundial e o início da Guerra Fria; a realização da "Conferência dos países não alinhados" em Bandung, 1955, que expressava a vontade de soberania dos países da África e Ásia; o "Fórum de meios de comunicação social e desenvolvimento" (2008) realizado em Uagadugu, Burquina Faso, que manifestava a vontade de "descolonização da informação". Estes grandes acontecimentos despertaram um certo interesse no campo dos Estudos da Rádio na África. A presente reflexão tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas das rádios ocidentais em África, concentrando-se na revisão histórica do papel da rádio como meio de expansão do imperialismo ocidental. Numa outra perspetiva, a reflexão tenta capturar as últimas tendências de mudanças ideológicas e discursivas das rádios internacionais em África: a internacionalização comparticipada, a promoção de consciência de democracia e o despertar de direitos humanos. A emergência das novas narrativas das rádios africanas, mediadas por web rádios nas plataformas das redes sociais da internet e as suas potencialidades, constituem outros pontos de reflexão. Numa análise desta informação histórica, o estudo optou por uma abordagem de natureza interpretativa da documentação, declarações de conferências e literatura produzida sobre as rádios internacionais em África, naquilo que se aproxima da análise tipológica desenvolvida pelo sociólogo Max Weber sobre os tipos ideais, ou seja, uma hermenêutica de cunho interpretativo e explicativo, na qual se deve compreender textos, ideologias, culturas e períodos históricos como símbolos que devem ser elucidados dentro de seus próprios sistemas de significação. Este modelo de análise extrai do material bibliográfico os elementos típicos e descreve-os com detalhe.

To achieve a degree of standardisation of the contents of treaties by their members, Model tax conventions were published by international organisations. Consequently, in 1963, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development ("OECD") Model was prepared by developed countries of the world and it thus embodies rules and proposals by capital-exporting countries. As it was drafted by representatives of major Western industrialised countries, lower-income, developing countries were concerned that it resulted in too large a reduction in source country tax. The developing countries responded to the success of the OECD Model by developing their own Model convention under the auspices of the United Nations ("UN") in 1980. This Model was drafted between developed and developing countries and attempts to reflect the interests of developing countries. Although it is based upon the OECD Model, the United Nations Model Double Taxation Convention between Developed and Developing Countries retains much greater source country taxation. Several tax treaties have been promulgated over time in South Africa due to the surge in international trade and investment flows which have tax consequences. There is however, no external enforcement of the above Models in the Republic of South Africa ("RSA") and as a direct result, deviations from these standard models occur. Both a qualitative and expository study was performed. Thereafter, this dissertation considers South Africa's treaty practice by outlining the significant deviations between South African double tax treaties and the respective OECD and UN Models. This study examines treaties concluded between South Africa and countries situated in North Africa, East Europe and West Asia. This dissertation concludes that bilateral treaties negotiated and concluded with South Africa consistently deviate from both the OECD and UN Models. These deviations were further examined to establish whether an indicative pattern informs a particular treaty practice. A small number of these observed deviations concur with the RSA position taken on the OECD Model. Treasury needs to circulate a clear and distinct South African Tax Model since South Africa's international trade and investment flows expand across borders. The concern that South Africa does not have a published Tax Treaty Model is likely to intensify as related parties draw on frequently changing tax Models by the OECD and UN committees which may indirectly affect a developing country's negotiating power.

One of the major changes in family formation is the increasing tendency for people to enter into co-resident patterning without formalising the union through religious, civil or traditional rites. Despite the implications, this nuptiality behavior which is well documented in the more developed regions, has received negligible scholarly attention in Africa. Using three ranks of DHS surveys (1998-2014) in twelve countries, this study examined the levels, trends, individual and contextual factors associated with consensual union in West Africa. Descriptive results showed a rising trend in consensual union in the sub-region. Multilevel logistic regression analysis suggests that individual-level factors associated with consensual union included education, spousal age gap, second and higher order union, premarital birth, age at first sex, number of sons among others. Contextual predictors were community poverty level, proportion of educated women and proportion of divorced and separated women. Given the health and welfare implications of consensual union, the findings underscore the need for policies and programmatic interventions to protect women in consensual unions, and to extend the benefits of formal marriage to consensual union in case of break up.

Includes bibliography. ; The thesis is an exploratory and primarily empirical study with the objective to construct a detailed chronology of the events of the 1985 school crisis particularly in African schools in the Western Cape and to reflect on the relationship between the school crisis and the organic crisis in South Africa and the Western Cape in particular. The data for the thesis were derived from primary and secondary documentary sources and in-depth interview material. A total of 51 interviewees were selected principally on the basis of the specific role they played particularly within the Department of Education and Training institutions as well as in community, political, workers', parents', teachers' and student organisations during the 1985 school crisis in the Western cape. Interviews were open-ended with a semi-structured interview schedule which consisted of topical headings. The thesis's theoretical framework was informed by Gramsci's Marxism am the key concepts employed in the analysis included Gramsci's notions of hegemony and organic crisis as well as Freire's concept of conscientisation. Utilising Gramsci's Marxism, the historical transformations in economic, political and ideological spheres which affected the development of student struggles and the crisis in the Department of Education and Training schools in 1985 were examined. Chapter 1 deals with .the 'Total strategy' as a form of state "formative action" to overcome the general crisis. It also documents in chronological order the main events of the school boycotts and both political and economic struggles on a national level from 1953 to 1984 and early 1985 in order to provide a sound background for the 1985 school crisis in the Western Cape. Chapter 2 which is offered as an empirical contribution to sociology of education covers a series of complex events and processes which constituted the core of the 1985 school crisis in the Western Cape in a chronological order. In the conclusion, Gramsci's concepts of 'hegemony' and 'organic crisis' supplemented by Freire's notion of conscientisation were directly utilised to analyse the slogan 'People's education for people's power'. One crucial observation explicit in the thesis am expressed through verbatim interview extracts was that the school crisis could only be resolved when the apartheid capitalist system in its entirety has been abolished.

Trafficking is an emerging concern in West Africa that is gaining increasing attention from the international community. This paper examines the relationship between trafficking and fragility in the region through a meta-analysis of existing knowledge and data on the subject. Given the scope of this paper, we will not attempt to provide any primary empirical or qualitative analysis, but instead focus on offering a comprehensive, unbiased overview of the recent policy and academic literature on the subject, which we hope will assist development practitioners working in the region and help the World Bank identify possible programmatic responses. The authors start this paper by defining trafficking to frame our analysis, and then provide an overview of the trafficking economy across the region. Next, authors outline the potential channels between trafficking and fragility, discussing the actors involved (organized criminal groups, rebels, local or national level politicians, the military, and civilians) and their relevance to specific countries. Finally, the authors present our suggestions on possible policy and programmatic responses, based on identifying both regional and external dimensions to the problems.

Edward Wilmot Blyden (born August 3, 1832 Saint Thomas, Virgin Islands, USA, † February 7, 1912 in Freetown, Sierra Leone) was a Liberian politician and Panafrikanist of West Indian origin. Blyden regarded as one of the leading figures of West African nationalism and Pan-Africanism. ; Edward Wilmot Blyden (* 3. August 1832 auf Saint Thomas, Jungferninseln, USA; † 7. Februar 1912 in Freetown, Sierra Leone) war ein liberianischer Staatsmann und Panafrikanist westindischer Herkunft. Blyden gilt als eine der führenden Figuren des westafrikanischen Nationalismus und des Panafrikanismus.

Bibliography: pages [156]-159. ; I have written this dissertation as an empirical study of the African National Congress' (ANC) 1994 election campaign in South Africa's Western Cape Province. Primarily, I address one overriding question: what are the principal reasons for and ramifications of the AN C's inability to win control of the province? I begin by exploring key factors concerning the history, demographics, electoral system and pre-campaign voter attitudes of the province that may have influenced how the party developed and implemented its strategy. I describe the evolution of the campaign, including strategic decisions made before and during its execution, and analyze the content of appeals to voters. I then assess the extent to which the above factors may have affected the campaign and examine the election results. I conclude by offering plausible implications of this case for future ANC campaigns in the Western Cape.

The level of corruption in West Africa has become very worrisome based on the data from the corruption perception index of transparency international. Corruption may subvert due process; reduce accountability; lead to unequal distribution of goods and services and limit the reliance of the masses on government. The objective of the paper was to examine the link between corruption and economic growth in West Africa. Data used span from 2000 to 2018 with a cross section of fifteen West Africa countries and the use of panel fully modified ordinary least squares. With the use of the Im, Pesaran, and Shin stationarity which allows for heterogeneous version of the Dickey Fuller test, it was found that the variables used were integrated of order one and long run equilibrium relationship existed based on the Pedroni cointegration method. Only foreign direct investment did not meet the a priori expectation. The result supports the 'grease on the wheel hypothesis'. This implies that corruption and economic growth have direct relationship in West Africa. Corruption and economic growth were found to also support the U-shaped hypothesis which means that different corruption level affect economic growth in different ways. However, corruption does not lead to efficient and effective outcomes hence should not be allowed at any level of governance.

"Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of His Excellency the Governor-General." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Vol. for 1924 issued as [pt.] 3 of the Reports of mandatory powers, issued in Geneva by the League of Nations. ; Continued by: South Africa. Report of the Government of the Union of South Africa on South-West Africa for the year .

La culture du maïs s'est largement répandue dans la zone de savane d'Afrique de l'Ouest et du Centre depuis les années 70. Dans la partie septentrionale, aire de culture traditionnelle du sorgho et du mil, la substitution du maïs au sorgho ou au mil apparaît cependant limitée. Ayant des exigences et potentialités bien distinctes, ces trois plantes peuvent présenter une certaine complémentarité dans les systèmes de culture : le sorgho et le mil sécurisent la production vivrière de l'exploitation face aux risques climatiques ou économiques, tandis que le maïs répond à un objectif de productivité. La crise cotonnière et le désengagement des structures de développement, intervenus à la fin des années 80, remettent en cause l'intensification des céréales. On pourrait donc s'attendre à un regain d'intérêt pour le sorgho et le mil, au détriment du maïs, qui nécessite des intrants comme les engrais en particulier. La dévaluation du franc CFA laisse une incertitude quant à l'avenir du maïs, qui dépend de la répercussion du gain à l'exportation du coton sur les exploitationns agricoles

Long seen as artificial barriers inherited from decolonisation, West African borders now lie at the heart of policies designed to encourage regional trade and combat political instability. This rediscovery of the peripheries of the nation state has fostered a proliferation of institutional initiatives that aim to cultivate co-operation between countries, regions and municipalities while ensuring the protection and promoting the interests and rights of the people living in border regions. Despite these regional initiatives, the effective functioning of cross-border co-operation still remains largely unknown across West Africa. The purpose of this paper is to fill that gap, with an analysis of both the social structure and the geography of West African governance networks. On the basis of this structural and geographic analysis, policy recommendations are formulated aimed at implementing policies that are more place-based, more attentive to relations between the actors at play in co-operation, and more specifically adapted to the constraints and opportunities of the West African region.

Among a set of extractive institutions particularly set up by colonial powers themselves, military conscription has been understudied to this day. In this paper, I attempt to delve deeper into this important historical institution in French West Africa (FWA) during the interwar era (1920-1939). First of all, I find that when the conscription target stipulated by higher colonial officials increased, strikingly the lower district-level authorities were not complying with this figure faithfully, even when they complied, the target increase was only met by a dubious increase in "deemed fit" soldiers in regions where labor constraints were already running high. Such findings point to a more complex French colonial rule in West Africa where authorities were "fighting over" the scarce resource of labor. Secondly, I find that in times of negative income shocks, potential flooding events in tropical regions of FWA made individuals more likely to volunteering into the army and correspondingly, an increase in drought risk in arid Sahel regions of FWA also made the indigenous more likely to present themselves to the military. Both effects point to the fact that the conscription system was being exploited as an informal insurance device by the locals at a time when insurance institutions were lacking and weather-induced negative agricultural income shocks were frequent.

Among a set of extractive institutions particularly set up by colonial powers themselves, military conscription has been understudied to this day. In this paper, I attempt to delve deeper into this important historical institution in French West Africa (FWA) during the interwar era (1920-1939). First of all, I find that when the conscription target stipulated by higher colonial officials increased, strikingly the lower district-level authorities were not complying with this figure faithfully, even when they complied, the target increase was only met by a dubious increase in "deemed fit" soldiers in regions where labor constraints were already running high. Such findings point to a more complex French colonial rule in West Africa where authorities were "fighting over" the scarce resource of labor. Secondly, I find that in times of negative income shocks, potential flooding events in tropical regions of FWA made individuals more likely to volunteering into the army and correspondingly, an increase in drought risk in arid Sahel regions of FWA also made the indigenous more likely to present themselves to the military. Both effects point to the fact that the conscription system was being exploited as an informal insurance device by the locals at a time when insurance institutions were lacking and weather-induced negative agricultural income shocks were frequent.

Among a set of extractive institutions particularly set up by colonial powers themselves, military conscription has been understudied to this day. In this paper, I attempt to delve deeper into this important historical institution in French West Africa (FWA) during the interwar era (1920-1939). First of all, I find that when the conscription target stipulated by higher colonial officials increased, strikingly the lower district-level authorities were not complying with this figure faithfully, even when they complied, the target increase was only met by a dubious increase in "deemed fit" soldiers in regions where labor constraints were already running high. Such findings point to a more complex French colonial rule in West Africa where authorities were "fighting over" the scarce resource of labor. Secondly, I find that in times of negative income shocks, potential flooding events in tropical regions of FWA made individuals more likely to volunteering into the army and correspondingly, an increase in drought risk in arid Sahel regions of FWA also made the indigenous more likely to present themselves to the military. Both effects point to the fact that the conscription system was being exploited as an informal insurance device by the locals at a time when insurance institutions were lacking and weather-induced negative agricultural income shocks were frequent.

Among a set of extractive institutions particularly set up by colonial powers themselves, military conscription has been understudied to this day. In this paper, I attempt to delve deeper into this important historical institution in French West Africa (FWA) during the interwar era (1920-1939). First of all, I find that when the conscription target stipulated by higher colonial officials increased, strikingly the lower district-level authorities were not complying with this figure faithfully, even when they complied, the target increase was only met by a dubious increase in "deemed fit" soldiers in regions where labor constraints were already running high. Such findings point to a more complex French colonial rule in West Africa where authorities were "fighting over" the scarce resource of labor. Secondly, I find that in times of negative income shocks, potential flooding events in tropical regions of FWA made individuals more likely to volunteering into the army and correspondingly, an increase in drought risk in arid Sahel regions of FWA also made the indigenous more likely to present themselves to the military. Both effects point to the fact that the conscription system was being exploited as an informal insurance device by the locals at a time when insurance institutions were lacking and weather-induced negative agricultural income shocks were frequent.