Suchergebnisse

Turkey has long been a land of asylum due to its geographical location as well as shared social, cultural and historical ties with the Balkans, the Caucasus, Europe, and the Middle East. Since the 1980s, the influx of refugees and irregular and transit migrations to Turkey, particularly from the Middle East but also from Africa and Asia, have intensified. In 1988 and 1991 Turkey was confronted with the Iraqi Kurdish refugee flows, and since the onset and intensification of violence in Syria from 2011 onwards, Turkey is trying to cope with a growing number of refugees with its temporary protection regime. The solution Turkey opted for in both crises is the same: creation of no-fly zones and safe havens for refugees outside of Turkish territory and inside the refugees' country of origin, which has been implemented in the Iraqi case but has yet to find international support in the Syrian case. These two cases are significant, as they reflect the complex shifting nature of the refugee crises and relief efforts in the post-Cold War era, and present important challenges for Turkish policymakers of foreign and refugee policies, particularly in formulating a new refugee and asylum policy that is in line with Turkey's new foreign policy vision and its emerging regional and global agency. These two crises also reveal the need for a substantial change and update in the Turkish refugee regime that is long overdue. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the authors focus attention on a poorly understood aspect of contentious politics: the interaction between the transnational diffusion of new forms of protest behavior and police practices in response to them. Studies of diffusion are usually limited to the diffusion of one kind of innovation by one set of actors to another, as in the diffusion of technical innovations from innovators to adopters. But collective action diffusion also produces a parallel and interactive sequence of "public order" reactions. Using the transnational countersummits that emerged around the turn of the century as their source of evidence, the authors focus on the coevolution of protester and police innovations across national boundaries. The authors' major finding is that the mechanisms that cause protester and police innovations to diffuse are remarkably similar, even though they can combine in different ways at different moments: promotion, the proactive intervention by a sender actor aimed at deliberate diffusion of an innovation; assessment, the analysis of information on past events and their definition as successes or failures, which leads to adaption of the innovation to new sites and situations; and theorization, the location of technical innovations within broader normative and cognitive frameworks. The authors close with a speculative application of their findings to the recent diffusion of protester tactics and regime responses in the Middle East and North Africa. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Kuperman, Alan J.: Can constitutional design avert ethnopolitical violence?, S. 520-522. - Hartmann, Christof: Limits of constitutional reform in managing African conflicts, S. 523-527. - Murray, Christina: Constitutional design in Africa: is mix and match ok?, S. 528-532. - Siegle, Joseph: Constitutional design: vital but insufficient for conflict management, S. 533-537. - Cheeseman, Nic: Accomodation works better for reducing conflict, S. 538-545. - Ottaway, Marina: Does research on constitutions matter?, S. 546-549. - Kuperman, Alan J.: An illuminating dialogue, S. 550-555

Recent assaults on foreign-funded civil society groups in Egypt and Russia reflect a worrisome trend: Since 2002, twenty countries have updated their laws to restrict foreign funding to NGOs. Under what conditions do governments set these restrictions in place? Using original data from nearly 100 countries and case studies of regime behavior in East Africa and the former Soviet Union, we find that vulnerable governments restrict foreign support to civil society when they feel vulnerable to domestic challenges. Yet, worries about international retaliation can restrain such behavior if governments believe that clamping down will cost them more than it is worth.

This article examines the priority bilateral relations of Brazil, named "strategic partnerships", both because of their tradition and historical relevance and due to the existence of political and economic cooperation projects. An assessment of these relationships, especially under Lula's administration, is made in this work, bearing in mind the concept of "strategic partnerships" and its development in Brazilian foreign policy. There will be considered partnerships with the US; Argentina; Japan; China; India; South Africa and the European Union. In the article, the meaning of the increase in these relationships is interpreted on the grounds of its significance to the international insertion strategy of Brazil. Adapted from the source document.

THIS ARTICLE IS PREMISED ON THE ASSUMPTION THAT AT LEAST SOME OF THE CAUSES OF SOCIAL CONFLICTS LIE IN THE CHARACTER AND CONSEQUENCES OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMS. THE SEEMING ELUSIVENESS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND HUMAN SECURITY IN AFRICA RAISES QUESTIONS ABOUT PROSPECTS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF EITHER CAPITALISM OR DEMOCRACY. RATHER, VARIETIES OF CORPORATISM, AUTHORITARIANISM AND ANARCHY ARE MORE LIKELY TO EMERGE IN THE NEXT CENTURY. THE CENTRAL ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IS CRUCIAL IN DETERMINING WHICH SCENARIO IS MOST PLAUSIBLE, GIVEN THE HETEROGENEITY IN AFRICA'S POLITICAL ECONOMIES AND CULTURES. HENCE, THE IMPERATIVE OF INCLUDING CIVIL SOCIETY IN ANY ANALYTIC AND PRESCRIPTIVE PURVIEW OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT AND PEACEKEEPING.

EXTERNAL INTERVENTION IN AFRICAN CONFLICTS HAVE BEEN PERVASIVE IN HISTORY AND IN THE YEARS FOLLOWING 1979 SUCH CONFLICTS AS THE ZIMBABWE LIBERATION STRUGGLE AND THE ETHIOPIAN REVOLUTION BROUGHT A MAJOR INCREASE IN EXTERNAL INTERVENTION. FRANCE IS COUNTED TO HAVE INTERVENE MORE OFTEN IN AFRICAN CONFLICTS THAN ANY OTHER OUTSIDE POWER. LARGE-SCALE AID PROVIDED BY CUBA, THE USSR, AND EASTERN EUROPE TO ANGOLA IS NOTED AS AN EXAMPLE OF MILITARY INTERVENTION. THE MAJOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE 1980S HAS BEEN THE INCREASE IN US STRATEGIC INTERESTS IN AFRICA.

BACKGROUND: E-Delphi is an online method widely used in health and social research to strengthen decision-making processes and reach consensus on developing guidelines for health services. OBJECTIVES: The e-Delphi technique was designed to formulate and appraise a set of criterion-referenced guidelines for women's health concerns of mineworkers at a selected coal mine in Mpumalanga, South Africa. METHOD: The University Learning Management System's discussion forum was customised to suit the characteristics of e-Delphi as the second phase of a primary study on the formulation of guidelines for women's health concerns. Six purposively sampled experts with extensive experience in Occupational Health and in Women's Health participated. Online engagements on the formulation and appraisal of the guidelines for women's health concerns took 7 weeks, divided into four phases as preparatory, exploratory, consensus and refinement. From the experts' inputs, guidelines were drafted. Experts were invited to evaluate the guidelines by using a 7-point Likert scale with AGREE II criteria. Consensus was reached in two e-rounds. RESULTS: Eight guidelines were formulated, appraised and adopted as: change management, control of hazardous environments, suitable psychosocial working environment, provision of health care service, uphold human dignity and adherence to human rights, effective measures for safety participation compliance, accessible, available and relevant on-site health care services and hope and resilience. Each guideline has rationale, operational strategies and anticipated outcomes. CONCLUSION: E-Delphi platform used various tools to deliberate on the process of guidelines formulation and appraisal. The platfor. ; The Democratic Nursing Organisation of South Africa ; http://www.curationis.org.za ; Nursing Science

The Routledge Handbook on Africana Criminologies plugs a gaping hole in criminological literature, which remains dominated by work on Europe and settler-colonial locations at the expense of neocolonial locations and at a huge cost to the discipline that remains relatively underdeveloped. It is well known that criminology is thriving in Europe and settler-colonial locations while people of African descent remain marginalized in the discipline. This handbook therefore defines and explores this field within criminology, moving away from the colonialist approach of offering administrative criminology about policing, courts, and prisons and making a case for decolonizing the wider discipline. Arranged in five parts, it outlines Africana criminologies, maps its emergence, and addresses key themes such as slavery, colonialism, and apartheid as crimes against humanity; critiques of imperialist reason; Africana cultural criminology; and theories of law enforcement and Africana people. Coalescing a diverse range of voices from Africa and the diaspora, the handbook explores outside Eurocentric canons in order to learn from the experiences, struggles, and contributions of people of African descent. Offering innovative ways of theorizing and explaining the criminological crises that face Africa and the entire world with the view of contributing to a more humane world, this groundbreaking handbook is essential reading for criminologists and sociologists worldwide, as well as scholars of Africana studies and African studies

At the beginning of 2020, 66 long-term refugee camps existed along the East African Rift. Millions of young children have been born at the camps and have grown up there, yet it is unknown how their surrounding built environments affect their learning and development. Architecture as a Way of Seeing and Learning presents an architect's take on questions many academics and humanitarians ask. Is it relevant to look at camps through an urban lens and focus on their built environment? Which analytical benefits can architectural and design tools provide to refugee assistance and specifically to young children's learning? And which advantages can assemblage thinking and situated knowledges bring about in analysing, understanding and transforming long-term refugee camps? Responding to the extreme lack of information about East African camps, Nerea Amorós Elorduy has built contextualised knowledge – nuanced, situated and participatory – to describe, study and transform the East African long-term camps, and uncover hidden agencies in refugee assistance. She uses architecture as a means to create new knowledge collectively, include more local voices and speculate on how to improve the educational landscape for young children. With this book, Amorós Elorduy brings nuance, contextualisation and empathy to the study and management of long-term refugee camps in East Africa. It is empathy, she argues, that will help change mindsets, decolonise humanitarian refugee assistance and its study. Crossing architecture, humanitarian aid and early career development, this book offers many practical learnings.

Many of the world's most infamous terrorist organizations demonstrate clear political aptitude, maintaining highly successful political parties while simultaneously carrying out terrorist attacks. Yet the relationship between terrorism and a group's political fortune is unclear. Groups like Hamas and Hezbollah appear to have gained significant support as a consequence of certain attacks, most notably those against US and Israeli targets. Other organizations fight for their political life after certain attacks. The Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its political wing, Sinn Fein, scrambled to restore its public image after bombs in Enniskillen, Northern Ireland, killed 11 Protestant civilians. In this article I examine the relationship between violence and political participation. I show that rebel groups are less likely to attack civilians when they simultaneously participate in democratic elections. I argue that attacking civilians is not good for political business. Not only can it distinguish the group as a terrorist organization and alienate supporters as a result, but attacking civilians also imposes high costs on the group's own civilian support base. For these reasons, civilians frequently withdraw political support for rebel groups after they target civilians, which can be profoundly harmful to rebels. I analyze the violent and political behavior of non-state violent organizations from the Middle East and North Africa from 1980 to 2004. I also examine the IRA as a means of describing the causal mechanism advanced here. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

China's rapidly growing economic engagement with other developing countries has aroused intense debates, but these debates have often generated more heat than light. The Chinese government is clearly pushing its companies to move offshore in greater numbers, and state-owned firms figure prominently in many of the major investments abroad. Yet relatively little research exists on when, how and why the Chinese government intervenes in the overseas economic activities of its firms. China's state-sponsored economic diplomacy in other developing countries could play three major strategic roles: strengthening resource security, enhancing political relationships and soft power, and boosting commercial opportunities for national firms. This article examines China's programme to establish overseas special economic zones as one tool of Beijing's economic statecraft. It traces the process by which they were established and implemented, and investigates the characteristics of the 19 zones initially selected in a competitive tender process. The article concludes that even in countries rich in natural resources, the overseas zones were overwhelmingly positioned as commercial projects. Particularly in the Asian zones, China is following in the footsteps of Japan. The zone programme, and the Chinese foreign investment it hoped to foster, represents a clear case of the international projection of China's developmental state. However, in Africa (but not generally elsewhere) discourse surrounding the zones publicly positions them as a transfer of China's own development success, thus potentially enhancing China's political relationships and soft power on the continent. Adapted from the source document.