Suchergebnisse

Council of Ministers, Fifth Ordinary Session, Accra, October 1965 ; The preambles to the UN Convention and the OAU Draft Convention relating to the status of refugees in Africa are not identical in content though similar in aim or spirit since that of the OAU Draft Convention had to be formulated in such a way as to conform with the requirements of the OAU and the African political atmosphere.

Military regimes and social classes in black Africa: a hypothesis, by Tatania Yannopoulos and Denis Martin
Examples from the history of the African States since their independence show that the purpose of military intervention in political life has been either to take the place of an emergent middle class which was weak and whose position in power was threatened, or to settle conflicts between ruling factions when the former were likely to endanger the existing power structure, or to act as a spearhead on behalf of the privileged classes ousted by progressive forces. From this standpoint, the case of reputedly progressive regimes established after military coups d'Etat poses a question; in fact, it would seem that these regimes are set up to replace leaders who are either too corrupt or are incapable of modernizing society. The circumstances surrounding their emergence thus prompt them to use language of a "progressive" nature, whereas their actual policies differ very little from those implemented by other military regimes. The hypothesis advanced here makes allowance for a certain number of factors operating inside Black Africa. It is deliberately confined to an examination of these factors, though it does not deny - on the contrary - the importance of the peripheral position of the continent, i.e. of all the outside forces which have intervened, and continue to intervene, in African politics.
[Revue française de science politique XXII (4), août 1972, pp. 847-882.]

Eh cherchant a definir une problematique generale des rapports entre les Deux Grandes Puissances et l'Afrique nous sommes partis d'une interrogation assez simple : Derriere l'apparence d'un interet cyclique pour ce continent les Etats Unis et l'Union Sovietique sont-ils parvenus A construire depuis 1960 une politi-que d'engagement graduel ?A partir de la nous avons essaye de comprendre comment ces deux pays pou-vaient s'inserer dans le jeu diplomatique africain tout en ajustant l'ampleur de leur engagement A leurs contraintes de puissances globales. Si l'on entend par jeu diplomatique l'ensemble du reseau des relations in-ternationales etablies par des Etats souverains, on constate qu'A la difference des autres regions du Tiers Monde le jeu diplomatique africain ne commenga serieu-sement a interesser les Deux Grands qu'au moment de la decolonisation c'est-a-dire a partir de 1960. Or a cette date l'equilibre global sovieto-americain ne de la II Guerre Mondiale etait tres largement stabilise. La question pour les Deux Grands etait alors de savoir de quelle fagon l'emer-gence de l'Afrique en tant qu'entite politique autonome pourrait affecter cet equi-libre. Pour comprendre le double processus par lequel les Deux Grands ont cherchea repondre aux attentes africaines tout en s'efforgant d'integrer l'Afrique au ca-dre global des rapports sovieto-americains, nous nous sommes efforces de repondretrois series d'interrogations : Deux Grands ?Quels ont ete les parametres retenus dans la formulation et l'expression des reponses diplomatico-strategiques.?Par rapport a quelles contraintes l'engagement sovieto.-americain a-t-il pu se trouver stimule ou au contraire entrave ? La definition.prealable des enjeux par les Deux Grands apparait essentielle car elle pose des le depart la question de savoir comment deux grandes puissances peuvent s'inserer dans un cadre regional domine jusque-lA par les puissances euro-peennes et sur lequel elles n'avaient que peu d'influence avant 1960. L'insertion des Deux Grands obeit-elle ...

A distinction is made between the concepts of evolue & elite. Evolue implies assimilation of French culture & is undiff'iated in practice from educ, while elites are diff'iated according to educ & the poi'al situation. An elite group has 4 characteristics: (1) it is distinct from the rest of society; (2) it has a preeminence that is recognized through deference; (3) this preeminence is general & (4) it can be imitated, ie, it exerts an indirect influence on soc behavior. Pol'al leaders in French black Africa passed through 2 types of Sch's: the formal one of the educ'al system imported from France & later on apprenticeship in pol'al practice, in France or in their native countries. French educ'al theories in Africa are discussed along with the goal of assimilation & the ambiguities to which it gave rise, as well as the pol'al practice. The latter part covers the administration's policy toward elites & the, relations between the new elites, the traditional elites & the masses. Next an examination of the educ'al system set up by France in the colonies discusses the structure of the system, the number of Sch's, types & levels of instruction & the Sch pop according to Sch's & geographical areas. Senegal is chosen for a more intensive examination. At the time of the departure of the colonial powers, 2 hierarchies confronted each other in the African countries. The ancient one, strong through its continuity & soc traditions, was challanged by the new popular leaders, who had been educated in European Sch's & who felt conscious of representing the masses, & in most cases, the new elites pushed the traditional ones into the background. In the former English & French colonies, the leadership is young, & while the old tribal elites threaten secession, the new leaders also face a threat from younger people who have graduated from U's after their nation's independence. Compared with them, the pre-independence elites appear conservative & satiated, their revolutionary aspirations satisfied. The fact that this development occurs in former colonies of France as well as English ones shows its generality. In most cases, this conflict is between classes rather than individuals. The new members of the new, younger groups resent their elders' rapid advance & are impatient to advance themselves. Thus the educ imported from Europe has brought about a development that lays bare the contradictions of the colonial situation. A. Peskin.

An account is given of movements of the extreme right in Europe after WWII. These movements tend to be irrational, anti-Semitic & nat'list. Several attempts have been made to unite them within a European framework: the Malmoe Internationals (1950), which became the European Soc Movement led by Sir O. Mosley & M. Bardeche; the racist New European Order led by R. Binet & G. Armandruz (1951); the Nat'l European Party, founded in 1962 to reject the UN; & the World Union of Nat'l Socialists created in 1962 by the English Nazi Colin Jordan. A country-by-country survey covers the following: Germany (org's of war veterans); Austria (the Tyrolean irredentists); Italy (the neo-Fascists); France (Poujadists, Secret Army Org); Belgium (L. Degrelle; F. Thiriart & his Action & Defense Committee for African Belgians); the UK (Mosley & Jordan); Greece (the army coup); Portugal (Salazar); & Spain (the Falange). I. Langnas.