The therapeutic practice of Chinese medicine was established in Africa in the wake of institutional cooperation missions and Chinese migration. More recently, the process of tracing the heritage of "traditional" knowledge initiated by UNESCO provoked transformations in the field of therapeutic medicine and oriented the cultural strategies of China in Africa. If the analysis of Chinese state policies allows for the contextualization of collective and individual strategies, the evaluation of the specific roles of local social dynamics and the multiplicity of constructions and symbolic practices specific to various African countries. This contribution of the ANR EsCA provides a history of the evolution of traditional Chinese medicine in China (F. Obringer), a review of the dynamics of local traditional medicines in sub-Saharan Africa ( J.-P. Dozon), as well as a preliminary study on Chinese medicine in Mali (F. Bourdarias). ; Les pratiques thérapeutiques de la médecine chinoise se sont depuis longtemps implantées en Afrique dans le sillage des missions de coopération et des migrants chinois. Plus récemment, le processus de patrimonialisation des savoirs " traditionnels " enclenché par l'UNESCO a infléchi les transformations des champs thérapeutiques et orienté les stratégies culturelles de l'État chinois en Afrique. Si l'analyse des politiques étatiques chinoises permet de contextualiser les stratégies collectives et individuelles, encore faut-il évaluer le rôle spécifique des dynamiques sociales locales et la multiplicité des constructions pratiques et symboliques propres aux différents pays africains. Cette contribution de l'ANR EsCA confronte un historique de l'évolution des médecines traditionnelles chinoises en Chine (F. Obringer), une définition des dynamiques des médecines traditionnelles locales en Afrique sub-saharienne (J.-P. Dozon), et une présentation d'une première recherche au Mali (F. Bourdarias).
"Female genital mutilation" is a contemporary invention that has become an object of political debate since the late 1970s. Legal and medical discourse, followed by feminist discourse, have emerged on the international scene and outlined the contours of a worldwide recognized crime. Originally defined as a public health problem, excision of the clitoris has become the subject of reparation politics of sexuality in the 2000s. France has a unique policy that grants excised women the access to surgical repair of their clitoris. The surgery is reimbursed by the public health insurance system since 2003, providing an equal access to repair for all women and including the right to repair within social policies. This thesis is based on a unique empirical material including an ethnographic observation of two surgery units that practice clitoral repair surgery in Paris metropolitan area, a quantitative analysis of medical records of all patients followed by these units since their creation, and in-depth interviews of 30 women who contacted one of the units. It retraces the logics of the two actors involved in repair surgery: the medical profession and patients. For African women from sub-Saharan Africa, repair reflects a genuine quest for equality in sexuality with unexcised European women. On the medical side, professionals answers requests made by women who are able to express excision as an attack/aggression and to claim their right to repair ("I want to get back what was taken from me"). Clitoral repair is an example of unprecedented repair policy of sexuality, in which medicine, sexuality and excision are questioned. ; Les « mutilations génitales féminines » sont une invention contemporaine. Elles deviennent un objet de débat politique à partir de la fin des années 1970. Le discours juridique et les formulations médicales s'imposent sur la scène internationale, suivis par le discours féministe. Ils tracent ensemble les contours d'un crime reconnu au niveau mondial. Originellement défini comme un problème de santé ...
Organisation de l'Unité Africaine (OUA). Critical assessment of the Organization of African Unity's policies and institutions, 1963-93; 46-page section.
The untimely death of Dr. Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem in 2009 on African Liberation Day stunned the Pan-African world. This lively selection of his weekly Pan-African Postcards demonstrates the brilliant wordsmith he was and his steadfast commitment to Pan-Africanism and offers a legacy of political, social, and cultural thought from his determination to speak truth to power. Showcasing the author's exceptional ability to express complex ideas in an engaging manner, this book presents his philosophy on diverse but intersecting themes: his fundamental respect for the capabilities, potential, and cont
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Zadatak razvijanja znanja o afričkim ruralnim područjima od strane urbanih afričkih istraživača susreće se s dva značajna izazova: nadmoć mitova i 'biće kao sila' u mreži ruralne afričke gnoze i prijezirno držanje urbanih afričkih istraživača spram domorodačkih sustava znanja (IKS). Ovaj je pristup rezultat kolonijalnih nastojanja da se sačuva epistemička hegemonija i neokolonijalizacija uz pomoć Afrikanaca koje se okrenulo protiv mogućnosti afričkog sustava znanja. Fiksacija na mit i silu ruralnih aktera i zapadnjačkog akademski orijentiranog sistema znanja sačinjava obostrano antagonističke strukture moći s kumulativnim efektom zagušivanja pokušaja da se Afriku razumije iznutra prema van. Ovaj rad, usmjeravajući se na društveno znanje Yoruba, primjenjuje rekonstruktivni pristup predlažući dva puta do razvoja robusne afričke baze znanja. Prvi put argumentira da se ruralni akteri koji doprinose razvoju afričke spoznaje moraju raščarati gdje je to potrebno. Drugi je put usmjeren na urgentnost postizanja potpune dekolonizacije. Dok prvi put vidi kretanje ruralnog od mitova prema artikulaciji liberalnog epistemičkog sistema, drugi put želi ukloniti nevjericu i prijezir koji urbani istraživači imaju o zbilji znanja u Africi. Znanje koje ima koristi od afričke originalnosti može se konsolidirati otvorenim dijalogom između urbanih istraživača i ruralnih aktera koji imaju izravnu vezu s ispostavom afričke gnoze u pogledu politike, prava, etike, farmakognoze, zdravstva, ekonomije i okoliša. ; The task of advancing knowledge on Africa from rural African spaces by urban African researchers confronts two formidable challenges; namely, the preponderance of myths and 'being as a force' in the network of rural African gnosis and the contemptuous poise of the urban African researcher against indigenous knowledge systems (IKS). This attitude is the aftermath of colonial efforts at reserving epistemic hegemony and neo¬colonisation by Africans who have been inundated against the possibility of an African knowledge system. The fixation on myths and force by rural agents and western academy-¬derived knowledge system constitute mutually antagonistic power structures with the cumulative effect of stifling efforts at understanding Africa from inside out. This paper focusing on the Yoruba knowledge society employs a reconstructive approach in proposing two paths to the development of a robust African knowledge base by African researchers. The first path argues that rural agents contributing to developing African episteme must disenchant where necessary. The second is directed at the urgency of achieving a consummated decolonisation. While the former path sees the rural moving from a system of myths to the articulation of liberal epistemic system, the latter seeks to nullify the incredulity and contempt urban researchers have about the reality of knowledge in Africa. Knowledge that has the benefit of African originality can thus be consolidated on an open dialogue between urban researchers and rural agents who have direct relations to the deposit of African gnosis pertaining to politics, law, ethics, pharmacognosy, health care, economy and the environment. ; La mission des chercheurs africains issus des milieux urbains pour développer le savoir dans les zones de l'Afrique rurale se confronte à deux défis significatifs : la prédominance des mythes et « l'être comme force » au sein du réseau africain de la gnose, et l'attitude méprisante des chercheurs issus des milieux urbains envers les systèmes de connaissances indigènes (IKS). Cette approche est le résultat d'efforts coloniaux pour sauvegarder l'hégémonie épistémique et le néocolonialisme par le biais d'un assujettissement des Africains qui va à l'encontre d'un éventuel système de connaissances africain. L'idée fixe qui porte sur les mythes et sur la force des acteurs issus du milieu rural, mais également sur celle du système de connaissances acadé¬mique constitue, des deux côtés, des structures de pouvoir qui ont pour effet d'étouffer les tentatives accumulées pour comprendre l'Afrique de l'intérieur. Ce travail, en s'orientant vers le savoir de la communauté Yoruba, applique une approche de reconstruction en proposant deux voies qui mènent à un développement solide de la base du savoir africain. La première voie discute le fait que les acteurs ruraux qui contribuent au développement du savoir africain doivent éclaircir la situation là où il est nécessaire de le faire. La seconde voie se penche sur l'urgence pour parvenir à une complète décolonisation. Alors que la première voie conçoit l'évolution du rural à partir des mythes et se dirige vers la formation d'un système épistémique libéral, la se-conde voie souhaite se débarrasser de l'incrédulité et du mépris des chercheurs urbains envers la réalité du savoir en Afrique. Le savoir qui tire ses avantages de l'originalité africaine peut se consolider par le biais d'un dialogue ouvert entre les chercheurs urbains et les acteurs ruraux qui ont un lien direct avec la gnose africaine établie eu égard à la politique, au droit, à l'éthique, à la pharmacognosie, à la santé, à l'économie et à l'environnement. ; Die Aufgabe der Fortentwicklung des Wissens über afrikanische ländliche Gebiete seitens der urbanen Forscher Afrikas stößt auf zwei bedeutende Herausforderungen: die Überlegenheit der Mythen und "das Wesen als Macht" im Netz ruraler afrikanischer Gnosis sowie die verächtliche Haltung urbaner afrikanischer Forscher gegenüber den indigenen Wissenssystemen (IKS). Ein solches Herangehen ist das Ergebnis kolonialer Bemühungen, die epistemische Hegemonie und Neokolonialisierung beizubehalten, und zwar mithilfe von Afrikanern, über die man gegen die Interessen des afrikanischen Wissenssystems die Oberhand behielt. Die Fixierung auf den Mythos und die Macht der ländlichen Akteure sowie des westlichen, akademisch orientierten Wissenssystems vereint beiderseitig antagonistische Machtstrukturen mit dem kumulativen Effekt, Versuche zu ersticken, Afrika von innen heraus zu verstehen. Diese Arbeit, indem sie sich auf das Wissen der Yoruba¬-Gesellschaft konzentriert, setzt den rekonstruktiven Ansatz ein und schlägt zwei Wege zur Entwicklung einer robusten afrikanischen Wissensbasis vor. Der erste Weg argumentiert, dass die ruralen Akteure, die der Entwicklung der afrikanischen Erkenntnis ihren Beitrag leisten, erforderlichenfalls entzaubert werden müssen. Der zweite Weg ist auf die Dringlichkeit der Umsetzung einer vollständigen Dekolonisation ausgerichtet. Während der erste Weg die Fortbewegung des Ländlichen von den Mythen zur Artikulation des liberalen epistemischen Systems erkennt, verfolgt der zweite Weg das Ziel, den Unglauben und die Geringschätzung zu beseitigen, die urbane Forscher gegenüber der Wissensrealität in Afrika pflegen. Das Wissen, dem die afrikanische Originalität zugutekommt, lässt sich durch einen offenen Dialog zwischen urbanen Forschern und ruralen Akteuren konsolidieren, die eine direkte Verbindung zur Außenstelle der afrikanischen Gnosis in Bezug auf Politik, Recht, Ethik, Pharmakognosie, Gesundheitswesen, Wirtschaft und Umwelt haben.
The African agricultural sector has been neglected by development aid during the last fifty years. It has not undertaken a green revolution, as it happened in Asia. The continent has a great potential for agricultural production but yields and technology adoption are still very low. Moreover many recent threats to food security represent a challenge for future development in Africa. Demographic growth, increase in commodity prices and price volatility, land use pressure and climate change are probably the most latent threats.In such context, it is necessary to develop new patterns of development for African agriculture. Those patterns should draw the consequences from past policies, which either relied on large investments and in favouring a development of the same nature that the one observed in rich or emerging economies. It seems that improving institutions and the environment to foster the evolution of African agriculture would be more adapted than previous strategies that consist in applying the same methods employed in the past.Food security can be achieved by improving rural households' income. Those households is composed by a vast majority of smallholders, for which agricultural production is a major resource for living. The necessary transition for stimulating production in remote areas seem to rely on fostering technology adoption and improve incentives for investments that would increase the productivity or the value added to smallholder production.We study two major organisational changes that are the reforms of cotton sector market structure in sub-Saharan Africa and index-based insurances. In both cases the point is to look at the potential of every organisation choice, reduce vulnerability and its effect, in particular the poverty trap phenomenon. The final objective is improve long run yield by foster investments, in spite of the risks borne by farmers and the tied budget constraint, consequence of the absence of financial (especially credit) markets.The cotton sectors inherited from the ...
Im Mittelpunkt dieser soziologischen Studie steht die Frage: Wie kann man den derzeitigen Stand von Unterentwicklung in Afrika begreifen und erklären? Mit dieser wichtigen zentralen Frage haben sich viele Menschen und Institutionen beschäftigt – allerdings ohne Erfolg im Hinblick auf eine Verbesserung der Situation. Wenn man die erzieherischen, landwirtschaftlichen, industriellen, politischen, ökologischen und wirtschaftlichen Bereiche usw. untersucht, deuten viele Indikatoren dabei sogar auf eine Verschlimmerung der Lage in Afrika hin. Das Scheitern der Versuche des überwiegenden Teils afrikanischer Länder, die Lage in den erwähnten und anderen Bereichen zu verbessern, ist so gravierend, dass jeder Versuch, Afrika mit anderen Ländern zu vergleichen, dieses deklassiert und ausnahmslos in eine Unterlegenheitsposition stellt. Diese Arbeit will zeigen, dass afrikanische Gesellschaften nicht nur Opfer ihrer Geschichte wurden oder unter einem internationalen Klima leiden, das ihnen feindselig gegenübersteht, sondern dass sie viel mehr Opfer der so genannten Politik der Kulturrevolution sind, die sich seit der Periode der Unabhängigkeit in den 60er Jahren fast in ganz Afrika ausgebreitet hat. Diese Politik setzte sich offiziell zum Ziel, die mit der europäischen Kolonialisierung untergegangenen afrikanischen Traditionen zu restaurieren und ist inzwischen zu einem Instrument verkommen, die Völker Afrikas weiter zu erniedrigen und lediglich den machtpolitischen Interessen der Herrschenden zu dienen. Zum Beleg dieser These hat der Autor das Beispiel des Eyadema-Regimes in Togo benutzt. Die Politik der Authenticité africaine des Präsidenten Eyadema hat statt Werte zu fördern, die den Menschen verbessern, Polygamie, Despotismus und Verschwendung in allen möglichen Formen, den Personenkult in der Politik und weitere Formen von Obskurantismus hervorgebracht. Dies wird konkret im Hinblick auf Festlichkeiten wie neue zeremonielle Formen von Begräbnispraktiken bei den Kabiyè in Togo. Eine Politik einzuleiten, die Kulturen und traditionelle Lebensstile erhöht, kann nur wirksam sein, wenn sie mit einer positiven Absicht einhergeht. Und das setzt voraus, dass man die Bedeutung aller traditionellen Techniken inventarisiert und modernisiert. ; This sociological study focuses on a single question: How can the present conditions of underdevelopment in Africa be understood and explained? Many humans and institutions have concerned themselves with this central question without having any significant success in improving the current situation of development in Africa. In fact, many indicators – educational, agricultural, industrial, political and economic, etc. actually point to an aggravation of the situation. Accordingly, almost all comparative studies see African societies as weak compared to the rest of the world. By examining the role and impact of the policy called cultural revolution which spread like an epidemic in many African countries following the period of independence in the 1960's, this study demonstrates that African societies are not simply victims of their history and an international climate which are hostile toward them. Cultural revolution officially mandated the goal of restoring African traditions which had declined under European colonialism. In reality, however, this policy has become an instrument of dictatorship which devalues African people and hinders their development. To prove this thesis, the author examines the Eyadema regime in Togo. President Eyadema's policy of authenticité africaine has encouraged polygamy, despotism, all possible forms of waste and a cult of personality in the political arena instead of values which empower people and improve the human condition. The new ritual forms associated with the funeral ceremonies of the Kabiyè in Togo exemplify the implementation of authenticité africaine. Introducing a policy to elevate cultures and traditional lifestyles can be effective if it is accompanied by positive intentions. And this requires first taking inventory of all traditional practices and modernizing their meaning.
"Créée en 1963, l'Union Africaine a fêté ses cinquante ans d'existence. Si l'organisation continentale a pu se maintenir, c'est parce qu'elle est assise sur une pensée qui à la fois lui a donné naissance, qui lui a assigné une tâche, un idéal, un horizon à atteindre, et qui l'anime aujourd'hui encore. Il s'agit d'une pensée à la fois individuelle et collective, portée par des personnalités fortes et par la communauté politique africaine tout entière. Une pensée qui exalte la solidarité comme voie d'existence et de jouissance, pour l'Africain, des valeurs cardinales de liberté et d'authenticité, de progrès et de dignité pour l'humanité en Afrique. Ce livre en retrace les articulations essentielles, en évalue l'apport dans les efforts africains de conquête de prospérité et de vie heureuse, et suggère des pistes pour une pensée politique susceptible de plus d'ancrage, et de plus de force libératrice."--Page 4 of cover
The ICC jurisprudence has been abundantly commented and compared to the others ad'hoc tribunals' works. However, its interaction with the international system (states, international organizations) was not as closely examinated. As an integral part of this system, the court can not be considered as a lone element. It is impossible to understand the prosecutor strategy if the wants and preoccupations of the international society are ignored. As such, the jurisdiction promotes values and ideologies coming from some states or some continents. They are largely accepted by the community of nations but this can validate some states' resistencies to the Rome Statute.The African Union claims that the ICC is partial, made solely for the weaker African nations, and is just another form of neocolonialism. It is true that international NGOs such as Human Right Watch consider most of its leaders as perpetatrors of Human Rights violation. Does it mean however that their concern must be dismissed? When experts analyse the Court or the Security council involvements they failed to point for example the illegitimacy of the five permanent members when it comes to Human Rights. The U.S intervention in Irak is seen by many as a crime of aggression and their inability to move the Security Council in their favour prompted their reaction to invade Syria. The lack of concern of the international community for this new development's illegality is another sign of the inequality of treatment between nations. Mass medias' role will not be forgotten in this research.The Court reacts to this unfair environment and its cases are chosen accordingly. When the Rome Statute was elaborated, the redactors tried to preserve state sovereignty. But in fact they insured that the most powerful states will escape the jurisdiction of the Court.In this paper, we will examine the claims of partiality and dependence of the Court and propose some changes to make it a more equitable and fair jurisdiction. ; La jurisprudence de la Cour a été commentée et comparée ...
