Suchergebnisse

A partir del caso de don Fernando, infante de Bujía, rescatado de la documentación, se analiza el fenómeno de los príncipes y mandatarios magrebíes afectos a la política norteafricana de España en el siglo XVI. Éstos, en muchas ocasiones, se ven obligados por razones políticas a desplazarse y establecerse en España, donde serán mantenidos por las autoridades. ; Seeing the case of Don Fernando, infante of Bujía, from unpublished documentation, we analyze the phenomenon of maghrebi princes keen on the North African politics of Spain in the XVIth century. These, in many occasions, are forced for political reasons to move from the Maghrib and to be established in Spain, where they will be supported by the authorities.

The relationship between China and Sub-Saharan Africa is a perfectible strategic association that, until now, has yielded important results for both parties. The impact of the Asian giant's growing and ambitious strategy, both on the economic as well as on the commercial fronts in at least 48 of the 53 African states, is steadily growing. This strategy is based on diplomatic principles that weaken the conditions of the Western international agenda and that constantly challenge the policies of the North, with whom China maintains a zigzagging attitude due to its dependence on the rest of the world. At the moment, the Chinese cooperation is presented to the African continent as an alternative to the Western efforts. Africa, with its important natural resources, is part of the new Chinese strategy. ; La relación entre China y África subsahariana es una asociación estratégica perfectible con resultados importantes para las partes hasta la fecha. El impacto de la creciente y ambiciosa estrategia, económica y comercial del gigante asiático a partir de 1978, en por lo menos 48 de los 53 estados africanos, está sustentado en unos principios diplomáticos que vulneran las condicionalidades de la agenda internacional occidental y desafían constantemente las políticas del Norte con quien China mantiene una actitud zigzagueante debido a su dependencia con el resto del mundo. La cooperación china se presenta, actualmente, para el continente como una alternativa a la occidental. África, con importantes recursos naturales, es parte de la nueva estrategia china.

Las relaciones entre China y África se han intensifi cado desde el 2000 conforme al esquema liberal de las reformas del país en 1978 y a pesar de la crisis de 2008. Evaluar tales relaciones como modelo de desarrollo y de proyección al exterior requiere estudiar su historia, la crítica sesgada de que han sido objeto y su desarrollo actual. El Estado chino ha protegido sectores estratégicos y promovido el esquema de benefi cio mutuo, eje de las relaciones sino-africanas. Desde el lado africano, el aprovechamiento de su relación con China depende de su propia voluntad política para construir un proyecto nacional. ; Th e relations between China and Africa have deepened since 2000, following the liberal schema of the 1978 reforms and despite the crisis of 2008. Assessing such relations as a model for development and international interaction requires an analysis of Chinese history, of the biased criticism directed at the Asian country, and the latter's current development. Th e Chinese State has protected strategic sectors and promoted a "win-win" strategy that is the core of Sino-African relations. From the perspective of African countries, taking advantage of the relationship with China depends on their political will to defi ne a national project. ; 45-59 ; int.personne@gmail.com ; semestral

Se presenta en este pequeño ensayo un conjunto de reflexiones sobre lo que ha significado lo político (el hecho y el espacio políticos) en la tradición de la filosofía política occidental, y sus correlatos en África. Si bien son indudables los avances en el conocimiento y la comprensión de lo político desde este primer polo (Occidente), la indagación sobre los fenómenos políticos en África ha permanecido largo tiempo en un desconocimiento prepotente y reduccionista desde lo teórico y desde las miradas occidentales. Se expondrá, entre otras consideraciones, la importancia de uno de los aspectos diferenciales clave para el espacio político africano en contraste con el espacio político occidental: la no separación entre lo personal (individual) y lo político (colectivo). Resulta palmario hoy el rescate de África como un continente susceptible de ser abordado, estudiado y comprendido desde las diversas ciencias sociales en su amplitud, y no desde la reificación del humanitarismo paternalista o el folclorismo de lo exótico. ; Some thoughts about the significance of politics (the "political fact" and the "political space") in the tradition of the Western political philosophy, and its correlates in Africa, are presented in this brief essay. The knowledge and the comprehension of politics from the Western tradition are undoubtedly well-known. Conversely, the research of the political phenomenon in Africa has remained uncovered for a long time both from theory and from Western perspective. The non-separation between the personal and the political dimensions in the African political space, in contrast to the Western political space, will be exposed here, among others considerations, as one key issue for a proper understanding of the African Politics. It is crucial nowadays the rescue of Africa as a continent susceptible of being addressed (studied, comprehended) from the Social Sciences and not from the reification of the paternalistic Humanitarianism or the Folklore of Exotics.

The short-lived popularity boost of the Osama bin Laden operation having all but faded, President Obama for the first time appears vulnerable and could be defeated in the 2012 election. Indeed, many are starting to wonder if he will be a one-term president like Jimmy Carter and George H.W. Bush. As congressional leaders continue to meet with Vice President Joe Biden to negotiate a reduction of the federal budget and to avoid a potential default on government debt, the economic recovery seems to be stalling: reports released last week show unemployment rose again to 9.1 % and job growth slowed down, and manufacturing and retail sales are also down from last quarter.The only good news for the President is that the Republican field of candidates, while still fluid, is very weak so far, and the Republican Party leadership divided and ineffective. Hefty potential candidates such as Jeb Bush (undoubtedly the strongest intellect in the GOP today) and New Jersey Governor Chris Christie have eschewed confronting the formidable President-candidate in 2012 and seem to be lying in wait for 2016, when they expect the field to be wide open.The first serious national presidential debate for the Republican candidacy took place on Monday, June 13. Mitt Romney, former governor of Massachusetts and the author of a health plan there which critics contend is very similar to Obama's, emerged as the solid front-runner and Michelle Bachman, an Evangelical Congresswoman from Minnesota and a Tea Party favorite, as the one who can challenge him. She is a former tax lawyer and a mother of five, who also apparently has found time to raise 23 foster kids. She is often compared to Sarah Palin, but most agree that she has more substance, understands how the government and can articulate ideas. She portrays herself as the anti-establishment figure, although she has been in Congress for a while and is at present the Chair of the House Intelligence Committee. Similarly to Palin, she considers the federal government an "elitist conspiracy" against middle-America and has invoked the War Powers Resolution to force Obama to request Congress authorization to continue operations in Libya. Tim Pawlenty, former governor of Minnesota, also an Evangelical with Tea Party following, was expected to be a serious challenger, but missed an opportunity to confront Romney on his health care plan for Massachusetts, which he had severely criticized the day before on national TV, stating it was very similar to Obama's, and going as far as calling Romney a "co-conspirator in Obama care." This lack of courage to confront the front-runner personally has made him a distant third in the primary race. Romney, on the other hand, was very well-prepared, confident in his own image of the businessman/CEO who can fix the jobs problem. The rest of the Republican candidates were a motley crew, starting with Herman Cain, an African-American businessman, owner of a pizza chain and talk show host, followed by Ron Paul, a radical libertarian that in spite of his quirky ways is quite endearing in his candid contempt for government, and Newt Gingrich, whose entire campaign staff had just resigned due to his lack of discipline and inability to run a serious campaign. All candidates focused more on bashing Obama than each other, since it is early in the race and there will be time enough for that this coming fall. Rick Santorum, another fiscal and social conservative (but in this case Catholic) and former Senator for Pennsylvania, completes the second-tier line-up of Republican candidates.But the Republican field has not firmed up yet, and there could be some surprise Republican candidates entering the race, as the President appears more vulnerable. In fact, only yesterday John Huntsman, a new intriguing figure who has been Obama's ambassador to China, joined the fray announcing his candidacy from Liberty Island, next to the Statue of Liberty, in the same spot where Ronald Reagan announced his in 1980. Huntsman, former governor of Utah, is a billionaire, a moderate and a Mormon, just like Romney. Both will skip Iowa, the first test for candidates, and one dominated by Evangelical "value" voters. Both are well-spoken, good looking family men with no rough edges. Unlike Romney, he has very little name recognition at the national level, and spent years as a missionary in China, where he learnt to speak Mandarin fluently. What he brings to the race is his expertise in that country, the main holder of American's debt, and therefore, the one that worries Americans the most. He has framed this primary contest as one between "renewal and decline". He speaks in a very quiet, civil tone and he introduced himself to the public through a stream of unusual videos, one for example that shows the candidate himself, in motocross attire from heads to toe, riding his motorbike across the Utah desert, as dreamy country music plays in the background. The White House is said to be concerned about his candidacy, not only because of moderation, his capacity and his presidential demeanor but also because he has been an insider of this administration and may use information thus acquired against the President. He could become a formidable opponent, a Republican mirror image of the President.Another prospective candidate, who, if he decides to run, could throw all calculations into disarray, is Rick Perry, the Governor of Texas. He is an attractive candidate for the party establishment and has two very strong qualities: first, he is a social conservative who could supersede Bachman and Pawlenty in drawing the Tea Party vote; second, he has been a successful governor who can boast about his job creation record in Texas (40% of all new jobs during the recovery were created in Texas). He is still testing the waters, and similarly to Huntsman, may perhaps use 2012 as a platform that can propel him into the 2016 election. Although he has not announced his candidacy, observers point to his convening of a "National Day of Prayer" for early August as a sign that he may run. He would be a formidable contester, since he can speak both the language of the Tea Party as well as the national language of this 2012 election, which is the economy and jobs.In comparing the Republican Party today with the one of ten years ago, one cannot help but notice the big shift that has occurred, and in doing so, perhaps be less dismissive of Ron Paul's philosophical influence on the party rank and file. The truth is the libertarian streak has made important inroads inside the party, and voters are now serious about not only fiscal conservatism and smaller government, but also a retrenchment of America's role in the world. This was apparent during last week's debate and the public conversations that followed in the airwaves throughout the week. Most of the candidates blasted Obama for intervening in Libya and called for an early withdrawal from Afghanistan. Michelle Bachman invoked the War Powers Resolution, passed in 1973 during Watergate, which obligates the President to seek the approval of Congress 60 days after the beginning of hostilities. The Republican Party has traditionally been the home of National Security "hawks", and the last strong isolationist mood in the party dates to the 1920s. While an isolationist wing emerged again right before Gen. Eisenhower became president, after that it was represented by a very small group, led in the last twenty years or so by Pat Buchanan. Today, a war-weary and budget- conscious American public is in favor of withdrawal from Afghanistan by a wide majority (73% of all Americans, 59% among Republicans), in spite of the fact that most had understood that to be a "war of necessity" as opposed to Iraq, a war of choice. If we count American military presence in Iraq, Libya, Yemen and the tribal areas of Pakistan, today the US is involved in five different conflicts, and spending billions of dollars a month on them, most of which are considered wars of choice. Today, President Obama is in fact a victim of his own success: bin Laden is dead, so Americans want out of Afghanistan. This is echoed loudly enough by his opponents. The President is thus under pressure to bring the troops home not only by libertarians but also by extreme Right candidates (Bachman) and even by mainstream candidates like Huntsman and Romney.After the debate, Republican Senators John Mc Cain and Lindsay Graham and Defense Secretary Gates took to the airwaves to admonish the candidates on this issue, accusing them of choosing politics over policy in matters of national security. Mc Cain went so far as to say that Reagan would not recognize his own party: "This is not the Republican Party of Ronald Reagan, who was always willing to stand up for freedom all over the world". He insisted that Khadafy was crumbling and that US logistical support, intelligence and refueling capabilities had to be continued to finish him off. He went even further and picked the opportunity to criticize Obama for not using America's own airpower, and instead "leading from behind". This was a theme that Bachman had also used in her speech, somewhat incoherently, since she vilified Obama for allowing the French to lead the operation in Libya while at the same time invoking the War Powers Resolution and demanding US withdrawal, since there were no apparent US interests involved there. Mc Cain in his own interview with Christiane Amanpour, later refuted Bachman's claim by stating that Khadafi had consistently supported terrorism, was responsible for the bombing of Pan Am 103 and was about to massacre his own people at Benghazi when NATO intervened and stopped him. "Our interests are our values" and "Sometimes leadership entails sacrifice," he added.To Romney's equivocal reference to the "Afghanis (sic) war of Independence" (an expression that per se brings serious doubts to his basic knowledge of geopolitics) Senator Lindsay Graham also in his own interview, later retorted: "This is not a war of Afghan independence, from my point of view" (of course, it isn't, it's a civil war!). He continued: "This is the center of gravity against the war on terror, radical Islam. It is in our national security interest to make sure that the Taliban never come back". He warned them not to try to position themselves to "the Left" of President Obama on this issue" and he hinted that that decision would lose them the nomination.Among the wide array of opinions, only Tim Pawlenty heeded the party line that the advice of military commanders and the situation on the ground would be the main determinant of troop withdrawals under his watch. Outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates criticized the "declinists" who put the short term expediency politics ahead of long-term national security interests. He added that examining the bottom line only is short-sighted, since intervention is not about sheer cost, it is about the cost of failure of early withdrawals, such as Afghanistan in 1989. Earlier, on his last trip as defense secretary, Gates had bluntly told NATO members meeting in Brussels that the military weakness of most members and their lack of will to share risks and costs of NATO operations were putting severe strains on the organization and particularly on the United States. Indeed, less than a third of NATO members are taking part in the Libyan operation, although NATO is a consensus- based organization and therefore, all members voted to approve it.According Secretary Gates, the need to cut spending and radically reduce the budget has become an obsession and sparked a new current of isolationism that now insidiously divides the traditionally hawkish Republican Party. This, he told a Newsweek interviewer, is one of the main reasons that have led to his resignation, after serving two administrations and becoming the epitome of bipartisanship. His unwillingness to plan for more withdrawals and find other ways to reduce the bloated defense budget has been criticized both from the Left and the Right. He complains about how both "Congress budget hawks and defense hawks" constantly interfere with his work. He ends by saying he refuses to be part of a nation that is forced to scale back its military power so much that it can no longer lead. His frustration is apparent; his resignation paved the way for Obama's announcement of troop withdrawal, a few days later.This last week, the presidential politics of war became clearer. Feeling the pressure of Republicans attacking him from his "left flank", President Obama told a war-weary nation that he plans to start withdrawing troops by December this year, ending the surge by the summer of 2012 and bringing home most of the rest by 2014. Although there is a widespread sense that Obama has gotten so involved in the daily details of the war that would prefer to stay on and see his counterinsurgency policy through, he has quickly readjusted to the realities at home and accelerated the withdrawal timeline that his generals had recommended. With his earlier decisions of aggressively pursuing the war on terror, signing off on drone killing missions, and having bin Laden killed inside Pakistan, he successfully beat the image of a Dovish President, weak in National Security. This past Wednesday, with the words, "It is time to do nation-building at home", he acknowledged the public's concerns about the waste of American power, blood and treasure abroad while the country is still suffering from the recession, and quickly moved back to center.This is the spirit of the times. It requires a new type of leadership, one that is strong enough to face down enemies, yet flexible enough to accommodate to the new and constantly shifting realities, to accept a revised status of the nation and to lead it into new era in its history. Time will show whether such leader is among the Republicans new line-up or whether he is already in the White House.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Sudáfrica ha sido testigo este año de las elecciones más competitivas de su historia. El Congreso Nacional Africano, partido gobernante del país, se vio por primera vez forzado a competir por la obtención de votos y, en el intento, perdió algo de terreno. Este ARI analiza las repercusiones de este hecho para la rendición de cuentas por parte del gobierno, para una gobernanza eficaz y para la pluralidad política. Las cuartas elecciones de Sudáfrica han sido las más competitivas en la historia del país: han sido las primeras elecciones desde que se instauró la democracia en las que el Congreso Nacional Africano (African National Congress, ANC) ha perdido votos a favor de los partidos de la oposición. El hecho de que el alto grado de competencia electoral no estuviera acompañado de una gran violencia electoral indica que el país es más capaz de lo que se temía de hacer frente a la pluralidad política. Los resultados podrían también inyectar un nuevo incentivo para la rendición de cuentas en un sistema político caracterizado por la reducida presión competitiva, y esto, por su parte, podría garantizar la gestión de gobierno eficaz que requerirá la sociedad si lo que pretende es suavizar el impacto de la crisis económica global. Pero los resultados son ambiguos: que inciten a una mayor rendición de cuentas dependerá de la interpretación que haga de aquéllos el ANC.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/1567 ; El Profesor Dr. Joseph Ki-Zerbo fue un político inveterado que de sus 84 veranos vividos dedicó más de 50 años a la política. Sus actividades políticas datan de 1950 en París cuando, aún siendo estudiante y junto con algunos compañeros negros africanos fundaron la Asociación de Estudiantes de Alto Volta (AEHV, sus siglas en francés) y la Asociación de Estudiantes Católicos de las Antillas y Malgache (AECAM). Fue presidente de ambas asociaciones desde 1950 hasta 1956. En 1954, el joven inquieto anticolonialista y proponente de la independencia inmediata de la liberación de África publicó, en la revista Tam Tam, un articulo de gran calado cuyo título es "On demande des nationalistes" [Se buscan nacionalistas]. En París tuvo la suerte de conocer y madurar sus pensamientos políticos con algunos congéneres de sus inclinaciones tales como el historiador e inventor del carbón catorce Cheikh Anta Diop y Abdoulaye Wade, ambos senegaleses (el último actual presidente de este país), Albert Tévoédjrè, Premio Nobel y autor de Richesse, pauvreté des Peuples, de Benin y otros, Junto a ellos creó el Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN), base de su ideología. ; Died at 84 professor Joseph Ki-Zerbo was an inveterate politician who consecrated more than 50 years of life to politics. He began his political activities in Paris back in 1950 when, still a student, founded with a group of other black African students, the Association of Students of Upper Volta and the Association of Catholic students from the Antilles and Madagascar. He was president of both associations from 1950 to 1956. In 1954, the anti-colonialist young man and proponent of the immediate independence and liberation of Africa published an important essay "On demande des nationalistes, [Looking for Nationalists] " in the magazine Tam Tam. In Paris, he congeniated with important figures as the also Historian and inventor of carbon 14, Cheikh Anta Diop, and the former President of Senegal, Abdoulaye Wade or Albert Tévoédjrè, Nobel prize winner and author of Richesse, pauvreté des Peuples with whom Ki-Zerbo created the National Liberation Movement, the basis of his ideology. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

Dentro de los análisis de política internacional, el concepto de sociedad civil fue revitalizado durante la década de 1980 como una manera de conceptualizar la opresión de Estado y especialmente para el caso de los países africanos bajo los planes de ajuste estructural de FMI y Banco Mundial, fue presentado como el símbolo de la fe en la importancia clave del sector privado para la salud económica y política del país. Este artículo es un intento de problematizar los múltiples significados de Estado y sociedad civil teniendo en cuenta las experiencias históricas de los países africanos. ; In the realm of International Politics analysis, the concept of civil society was revitalized in the 1980s as a way to conceptualise resistance to state oppression, on the other hand and especially for African countries under the FMI and World Bank's Structural Adjustment Policies, civil society was presented as the symbol of the faith in the private sector key importance for the political and economic health of the country. In this article the multiple meanings of State and Civil Society are considered taking into account African historical experiences. ; Fil: Cejas, Mónica. Colegio de México; México

[ES] Este estudio se centra en los modelos alternativos y transformacionales de familias formadas por mujeres tal y como las presentan las obras escritas por la dramaturga afroamericana Pearl Cleage (Flyin' West, 1992), la dominicana Jacqueline Rudet (Basin, 1985), y la sudafricana Fatima Dike (Wo, What's New?, 1991). La autora del ensayo examina el concepto de la política de ubicación y estudia cómo el espacio/el hogar creado por estos modelos alternativos de familias de mujeres se convierte en transgresor; ayuda a reconstruir y ampliar la historia de las mujeres negras; se convierte en un refugio en el que las mujeres pueden desarrollar su identidad social, personal y sexual; y tiene un efecto sanador sobre las mujer que lo ocupan al tiempo que ofrece al público nuevos modelos alternativos de familia que amplían el concepto de familia nuclear occidental. [EN] This essay focuses on the alternative and transformational models of women's families as presented in the plays written by African American Pearl Cleage (Flyin' West, 1992), Dominican Jacqueline Rudet (Basin, 1985) and South African Fatima Dike (So, What's New?, 1991). The author of this essay revises Carol B. Davies' concept of politics of location and studies how the space/home created by these alternative models of women's family becomes transgressive; helps to reconstruct and broaden black women's history; becomes a shelter within which women can develop their personal, social an sexual identity; and has a healing effect on the women who occupy it as well as offers the audience new alternative models of family that enlarge the western concept of nuclear family.

El semanario A.O.E., vinculado al Grupo de Tiradores de la colonia-provincia de Ifni desde 1945, será un exponente claro de la política de continuismo colonial de los años cincuenta y sesenta del régimen franquista, cuya única función será reforzar y alentar a la población peninsular y canaria residente en el territorio. Su cobertura de la guerra de Ifni-Sahara en 1957-1958, en la que España se enfrentó a las bandas armadas del Ejército de Liberación controladas por Marruecos contrastará con su silencio informativo diez años después, con motivo de la retrocesión del territorio. ; The weekly magazine A.O.E. linked to the Spanish Army in the African colony of Ifni since 1945 was a clear exponent of the politics of colonial preservation of the status quo in the fifties and the sixties. Its main aim was to reinforce and to encourage the resident population in the territory and its extensive coverage of the war of Ifni-Sahara during the period 1957-1958, while Spain was faced up to the armed bands controlled by Morocco, was very different from its informative silence ten years later, due to the withdrawal from the territory.

Esta investigación presenta un estado del arte sobre las prácticas de creación artística en seis municipios del Urabá antioqueño. Preguntarse por la invisibilidad del artista creador en el contexto de esta zona obliga a revisar; de soslayo; pormenores sociohistóricos de una subregión estratégica en la geografía colombiana cuyas dinámicas económicas; etnográficas y culturales actuales han emergido de la lucha constante en y por un territorio vasto y provisto de grandes riquezas naturales. Con aproximadamente el 50% de población afrodescendiente; el 15% de población indígena y el 35% de población mestiza; la subregión ha forjado un interesante panorama pluricultural privilegiado en expresiones artísticas que se nutren de un sinnúmero de tradiciones y costumbres propias de los grupos humanos que allí convergen, expresiones y prácticas de las cuales muchos de sus creadores no están aún identificados; reconocidos o visibilizados; asunto de competencia de las políticas públicas culturales del Estado colombiano. ; In order to understand the subject of the creator artist s invisibility in the Colombian context of the region of Urabá; Antioquia; it is a must to examine obliquely the social and historic particulars of a sub region located strategically with economic; ethnographic and cultural dynamics; which have emerged from the ongoing fight for a vast and ecologically abundant territory. With approximately a 50% of African descent population; a 15% of indigenous population an 35% of mestizos ; the sub region has created an interesting intercultural view; privileged to have artistic expressions for which its creators are not particularly visualized through the public politics that concern the State of Colombian.

The university has been considered as the institutionwhere thoughts are freely expressed. There are different socio-cultural expressions and where there should be no distinction of cultures, races, politics or religious creeds. For this reason, the Universidad Sur Colombia, echoing these principles and especially the recognition of equality that the Political Constitution of Colombia does in 1991, has involved processes that allow it to have in its educational community students from different groups of our society Colombian. In this way, currently we have students of the Community Colombo african, displaced students, reinserted students and students coming from the Indigenous Communities. The USCO grants a quota per program to students from recognized indigenous communities (agreements of the Superior Council No. 012 of April 22, 1997 and No. 018 of May 10, 2002. Since the second period of 1997 to the second period of 2003, the University has given this benefit to 51 students from different Indigenous Communities, of which 41 were enrolled in the selected programs, especially in the faculties of health, engineering and law, the Most of these students have been presented by the rulers of their Cabildos of origin, with the hope that their training will be reversed in the development of their communities. ; La Universidad ha sido considerada como la Institución donde se expresa libremente el pensamiento, se dan diferentes expresiones socio-culturales y donde no debe haber distingosde culturas, razas, política o credos religiosos. Por esto la Universidad Sur colombianahaciendo eco de estos principios y en especial al reconocimiento a la igualdad que hace la Constitución Política de Colombia de 1.991, ha involucrado procesos que le permitan contaren su comunidad educativa con estudiantes provenientes de los diferentes grupos de nuestrasociedad Colombiana, así: hoy tenemos estudiantes de la Comunidad Colombo africana,estudiantes desplazados, estudiantes reinsertados y estudiantes provenientes de las Comunidades ...

[spa] A mediados de los 90 emerge un cuestionamiento del enfoque del ajuste estructural promovido por el Banco Mundial y el FMI en los países en desarrollo, especialmente en África, que lleva a estas instituciones a cambiar su discurso. Las preguntas que guían la investigación son (1) si estos cambios suponen un cuestionamiento real del enfoque del ajuste estructural, y (2) si estos cambios pueden modificar la inserción periférica de África en la economía mundial. El marco teórico del que se parte es el enfoque Centro-Periferia (CEPAL, Raúl Prebisch) y el análisis histórico-estructural. En el capítulo 2 se analizan las bases de dicha inserción periférica, teniendo en cuenta las estructuras económicas africanas, los intentos de cambio estructural más relevante, y la economía política del ajuste estructural, promovido por el Banco Mundial y el FMI a partir de los años 80. En el capítulo 3 se analizan los contenidos de los giros teóricos que se observan en estas instituciones, en particular la conceptualización de la pobreza, la extensión del concepto de buena gobernanza, y el alcance de las condicionalidades tradicionalmente asociadas a sus créditos. Una constatación relevante es que el discurso de las instituciones de Bretton Woods progresivamente va convergiendo con el del resto de actores del sistema de cooperación internacional al desarrollo. La expresión de esta convergencia viene a ser el establecimiento de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. En el capítulo 4 se analizan con detalle los cambios en la instrumentación de sus estrategias, destacando las políticas de reducción de la deuda multilateral (Iniciativa HIPC), y las estrategias de reducción de la pobreza (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, PRSP), constatándose que a pesar del cambio de discurso, los ejes centrales de las políticas del ajuste estructural (privatización, desregulación y apertura), continúan presentes en estos instrumentos. El análisis es relevante en la medida en que la mayoría de países africanos se encuentran inmersos en estas estrategias de reduccion de la deuda, y elaboración e implementación de un PRSP. En el capítulo 5 se analiza la aplicación de esta nueva conceptualización e instrumentación en el Chad, donde desde el año 2001 se está reduciendo deuda multilateral, y desde el año 2003 está en marcha un PRSP. A ello hay que añadir el inicio de la explotación de petróleo en el país desde octubre de 2003, que supone una importante renta petrolera para el gobierno. Estos tres elementos configuran lo que hemos denominado "modelo chadiano de reducción de la pobreza". El trabajo de campo y el estudio de caso determinan que no hay un cuestionamiento relevante del enfoque del ajuste estructural. Como conclusión, se confirma que el giro discursivo y el cambio en la instrumentación de las estrategias del Banco Mundial y el FMI en África no suponen un cuestionamiento del enfoque tradicional del ajuste estructural. Ello también tiene como consecuencia que el modelo periférico de inserción de África en la economía mundial no se verá cuestionado por las estrategias de estas instituciones. ; [eng] In the mid-90s a raising criticism emerged questioning the structural adjustment approach promoted by the World Bank and IMF in developing countries, especially in Africa. This lead these institutions to change their discourse. The questions guiding the research are (1) whether these changes constitute a real challenge of structural adjustment approach, and (2) whether these changes can modify the peripheral insertion of Africa into the world economy. Chapter 2 explores the foundations of this peripherical insertion, taking into account the African economic structures and the political economy of structural adjustment promoted by the World Bank and IMF from the 80s. Chapter 3 discusses the theoretical content of the drawings seen in these institutions, particularly the conceptualization of poverty, the extension of the concept of good governance, and the scope of conditionalities traditionally associated with their loans. Chapter 4 discusses in detail the changes in implementing their strategies, highlighting policies of multilateral debt relief (HIPC), and strategies for poverty reduction (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, PRSP), noting that despite the change of address, the central axes of structural adjustment policies (privatization, deregulation and opening) are still present in these instruments. Chapter 5 discusses the application of this new conceptualization and implementation in Chad, where since 2001, multilateral debt is being reduced, and since 2003 there is an ongoing PRSP. To this must be added the start of oil exploitation in the country since October 2003, meaning a significant rent for the government. These three elements form what we called "Chadian model of poverty reduction. Fieldwork and case study determined that there is no significant questioning of the structural adjustment approach. In conclusion, it is confirmed that the discursive shift and change in the implementation of the strategies of the World Bank and IMF in Africa does not pose a challenge to the traditional approach of structural adjustment. This also has the consequence that the peripheral model of integration of Africa into the global economy will not be questioned by the strategies of these institutions.

This paper aims at exploring the ambivalence of Ngugi's cultural discourse in Moving the Centre. The major assumption held in this paper is that Ngugi's Universalist rhetoric is in stark opposition with his nativist discourse, with its Afrocentric undertones. Most of Ngugi's essays betray a cultural essentialism, first evidenced in his Manichean rhetoric. As will be demonstrated, Ngugi ' s collection of essays falls within the range of post-colonial counter hegemonic discourse, and bears the stamp of a strong cultural resistance.Ngugi's ambivalent discourse resides in his advocacy of cultural globalism together with his defence of cultural politics exclusively Pan-African and Third worldist. Another contention held in this paper is that despite the fact that Ngugi preaches cultural dialogue, he does not attempt to promote cross-cultural understanding, since he insists on cultural separatism, between the First and the Third World, and along class lines. Ngugi's multiculturalist agenda, being discriminatory, is henceforth, contradictory with the logic of a Universalist discourse. Cross-cultural understanding can only be promoted through a global dialogical intercultural approach. ; Este artículo pretende explorar la ambivalencia del discurso cultural de Moving the Centre, de Ngugi. La principal propuesta que mantengo aquí es que la retórica universalista de Ngugi se opone frontalmente al discurso nativista, con su trasfondo afrocéntrico. La mayoría de los ensayos de Ngugi traicionan el esencialismo cultural, que queda manifiesto en su retórica maniquea. Como se pretende demostrar, esta colección de ensayos entra en el ámbito del discurso postcolonial contrahegemónico y lleva el sello de una fuerte resistencia cultural.El discuso ambivalente de Ngugi radica en su defensa del globalismo cultural además de su defensa de la política cultural exclusivamente pan-africana y tercermundista. Otra idea que se sostiene en este artículo es que a pesar de que Ngugi predica a favor del diálogo cultural, no intenta fomentar el entendimiento intercultural, puesto que insiste en la separación cultural entre el Primer y el Tercer Mundo, además de las distinciones de clases. La agenda cultural de Ngugi, además de ser discriminatoria, es, por lo tanto, contradictoria con la lógica de un discurso universalista. El entendimiento intercultural tan solo se puede potenciar con un enfoque intercultural dialógico global.

[spa] Con el ánimo de contribuir a la construcción de la nueva cooperación comercial entre la Comunidad Europea (CE) y los países de África, el Caribe y el Pacífico (ACP), esta tesis se centra en el estudio del actual régimen de acceso a productos agrícolas concedido por la CE al grupo ACP. En concreto, se realiza un análisis y una evaluación del Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP (o, formalmente, el Protocolo nº 3 sobre el azúcar ACP), el cual aparece, por primera vez, en el Convenio de Lomé firmado el 28 de febrero de 1975. La principal preocupación por este instrumento de cooperación en particular es que su contenido es más beneficioso que el los demás Protocolos de productos agrícolas. Así, este acuerdo comercial sobre el azúcar es el único que se basa en un compromiso de compra, por parte de la CE, y de venta, por el lado de los ACP, de unas cantidades especificadas en el marco de un elevado precio garantizado. En la práctica, estos compromisos especiales han implicado transferencias monetarias sustanciales y un nivel de estabilidad significativo de los ingresos de exportación de azúcar para algunos de los países ACP participantes, especialmente para aquellos que presentaron vínculos comerciales históricos con Gran Bretaña. El objetivo final de este estudio consiste en proponer si el Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP debe ser integrado en los AAE o, por lo contrario, si es mejor mantenerlo bajo la posible exclusión permitida en el artículo XXIV del Acuerdo General sobre Aranceles y Comercio (GATT). Esta investigación también presenta la opción para el Protocolo del Azúcar de ser incluido en el Sistema de Preferencias Generalizadas (SPG) de la CE, aunque las reducciones arancelarias y no arancelarias, junto a las exenciones específicas, sean menos generosas que las otorgadas a las importaciones europeas de productos ACP. Con esta finalidad, en este estudio se efectúa una evaluación de impacto del Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP sobre el desarrollo económico de los países ACP beneficiarios. Con ello, se demuestra que las transferencias monetarias implícitas apropiadas por las empresas azucareras de los Estados ACP participantes no han logrado, en general, una expansión del bienestar económico de sus economías. Este resultado ha sido alcanzado utilizando distintos modelos econométricos: un modelo de regresión lineal, un modelo de corrección de errores y un modelo con datos panel. En consecuencia, concluimos que el Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP no ha funcionado como un verdadero instrumento de cooperación al desarrollo. Para recomendar cómo mejorar las relaciones comerciales CE-ACP sobre el azúcar, el trabajo econométrico realizado se ha complementado con el análisis del funcionamiento del mercado internacional del azúcar (especialmente en relación a los precios y a los flujos comerciales). Asimismo, se ha considerado la reforma de la Política Agrícola Común ante los cambios que implicará en el mercado europeo del azúcar. Todos estos elementos nos permiten sugerir dos opciones alternativas al Protocolo, permitidas en el Acuerdo de Cotonú, con vistas a dirigir la cooperación comercial CE-ACP sobre el azúcar desde 2008, momento en el que está prevista la progresiva aplicación de los Acuerdos de Asociación Económica (AAE) CE-ACP.Ambas opciones son compatibles con las normas de la Organización Mundial del Comercio y dependen de la decisión de cada Estado ACP respecto a la celebración de un AAE con la CE. Por un lado, para aquellos Estados ACP que decidan implementar un AAE, consideramos que el azúcar debería quedar cubierto en los esquemas resultantes de integración económica entre ambas Partes, lo que significa que se debería eliminar cualquier restricción que dificulte el comercio CE-ACP de azúcar. Por otro lado, en el caso de que algunos países ACP no alcancen un AAE con la Comunidad Europea, creemos que el azúcar tendría que formar parte del SPG mejorado de la CE, que será el trato comercial más probable que la CE ofrecerá a estos países ACP, como a los demás países en desarrollo. En cualquier caso, el proceso de cambio debería acompañarse de la concesión de ayuda financiera y técnica dirigida a dichos países ACP para ayudarlos a reestructurar el sector del azúcar y, en general, apoyarlos a que se adapten a las nuevas condiciones económicas de un mercado más globalizado. NOTA: Esta tesis recibió el "Premi Maspons i Anglasell" del "Patronat Català Pro Europa" (actualmente "Patronat Catalunya-Món") de la Generalitat de Catalunya a la mejor tesis doctoral en el bienio 2004-2005 (14a edición), el día 18 de abril de 2007. ; [eng] IMPACT EVALUATION OF THE ACP-EC SUGAR PROTOCOL.In order to contribute in constructing the new trade co-operation between the European Community (EC) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP), this thesis focuses in the current European access regime for agricultural products originating from the ACP Group. To be exact, it is carried out an analysis and evaluation of the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol (or, formally, Protocol 3 on ACP sugar) appearing the first time, in the ACP-EC Convention of Lomé signed on 28th February 1975. The principal reason for this particular co-operation instrument is that its provision is more beneficial than the other agricultural products Protocols. Thus, this commercial sugar agreement is the only one based on a purchase commitment from the EC and a sale commitment from the ACP beneficiary countries, of specified quantities, in the framework of a guaranteed high price -similar to the intervention price in the European sugar market-. In practice, this special trading agreement has implied substantial income transfers and a significant stability level of sugar export earnings for some of the ACP participant countries, especially those that presented historic sugar trading links with the United Kingdom. The final goal of this study consists of proposing if the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol has to be integrated in the EPAs or, on the contrary, it is better to keep it under the possible exclusion permitted in article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). This research also presents the option for the Sugar Protocol to be included in the EC's Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), even though tariff and non-tariff reductions, together with the specific exemptions, are less generous than those granted to European imports of ACP products. Within this aim, this study deals with an impact evaluation of the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol over economic development of ACP beneficiary countries. It demonstrates that the implicit income transfers by sugar companies from the ACP Sugar Group has not implied, in general, an economic welfare expansion for their economies. This outcome has been obtained using different econometric models: a linear regression model, an error correction model and a model with panel data. In consequence, we conclude that the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol has not functioned as a true development co-operation instrument.In order to recommend how to improve the ACP-EC trade relations on sugar, that econometric study has been complemented with an analysis of the international sugar market functioning (especially, referring to prices and commercial flows). The changes the Common Agriculture Policy reform will imply on the European sugar market have been considered as well. All of these items allow us to suggest the two alternative options to the Protocol, permitted in the Cotonou Agreement, in order to lead the ACP-EC trade co-operation on sugar since 2008. Both options are compatible with the World Trade Organisation rules and depend on the ACP State decision about the celebration of an EPA with the EC. On the one hand, for those ACP States that decide to implement an EPA, we consider that sugar should be covered in the resulting economic integration schemes between both parties, which means that any restriction on ACP-EC sugar trade should be eliminated. On the other hand, in the case that some ACP countries do not achieve an EPA with the EC, we believe that sugar should take part of the improved EC's GSP, which will be the most probable trade treatment that the EC will offer to those ACP States, as well as to the rest of developing countries. In both cases, the change process should be accompanied with the granting of financial and technical assistance to these ACP countries in order to help them to restructure the sugar sector and, in general, to support them to adjust to the new economic conditions within more globalised market. N.B.: Maspons i Anglasell Prize awarded by the Patronat Català Pro Europa (presently, Patronat Catalunya-Món) of la Generalitat (government institution) of Catalonia (Spain) for the best doctoral thesis in European integration for the biennium 2004-2005 (14th edition), 18 April of 2007.