Co-editado por Yahya H. Zoubir -director de investigación en Geopolítica en la Kedge Business School de Marsella- y Gregory White -profesor de Relaciones Internacionales en el Smith College de Massachusetts, este trabajo tiene el objetivo de generar la atención del mundo académico anglo-americano por el Norte de África, tras décadas de priorizar los estudios sobre Oriente Medio y de entender a esta área sólo como parte de la esfera de influencia europea, especialmente de Francia. El volumen complementa y da continuidad a un trabajo previo de 2008 (North Africa: Politics, Religion and the Limits of transformation, editado por Y. Zoubir y Haizam Amirah).
Abstract | The challenge of interdisciplinary intellectual and strategic work in the extractive industries is particularly acute at the interface of research and social activism. Numerous social movements which are dedicated to sustainability fail to 'connect the dots' between their campaigns and broader political-economic and political-ecological visions. This is becoming a critical challenge in Africa, where the extreme damage done by mining and fossil fuels has generated impressive resistance.However, the one obvious place to link these critiques from African activists was the Alternative Mining Indaba in Cape Town in February 2015, and a survey of narratives at that event leads to pessimism about interdisciplinary politics. The potential for much greater impact and deeper critiques of unsustainable extractivism lies in greater attention to combining social reproduction and production (as do eco-feminists), and to tackling social, economic, political and ecological factors with a more explicit structuralist critique and practical toolkit. Areas such as energy, economics and climate are ripe for linkages. One reason for optimism is a climate justice declaration made by leading civil society activists in Maputo in April 2015.
The regime of Francisco Macías in Equatorial Guinea (1968-1979) has brought up controversies. Some consider it an example of leftist politics, others, a fall under fascism; for some it would be a clear reflection of Franco's regime, for others the fanciful product of a sick mind. Through the analysis of the rituals developed by Macias regime, an attempt to elucidate which of these elements contribute to its creation. ; El régimen de Francisco Macías en Guinea Ecuatorial (1968-1979) hadespertado controversias. Hay quien lo considera un ejemplo de políticas izquierdistas, otros lo enmarcan dentro del fascismo; para algunos sería un reflejo claro del régimen franquista, para otros la producción fantasiosa de una mente enferma. A través del análisis de los rituales desarrollados por el régimen macista, se trata de elucidar qué elementos contribuyeron a la creación de éste.
Review-essay of: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574. ; Review-essay de: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574.
This essay will link African women's writing to culture, including literary culture and the politics of literature. It describes how African women's literature can act as a mirror, reflecting African cultures to Africans, and how it can serve as a window and a door, revealing African cultures to those outside of them in whole or in part. It ends with a description of "communal agency," an example of how scholarly writing can act as a door for both those who are and are not a part of a literature's culture. ; Este ensayo vincula las obras de autoras africanas con la cultura, tomando en cuenta la cultura literaria y las políticas de la literatura. Describe cómo la literatura de mujeres africanas puede actuar como espejo que refleja a los africanos la diversidad de su cultura, y cómo puede servir de ventana y puerta: qué desvelan las culturas africanas, parcial o totalmente, ante los que viven fuera de estas. Termina con una descripción de "agencia comunitaria", un ejemplo de cómo los textos académicos pueden funcionar como puerta tanto para los que forman parte de la cultura literaria como para los que no son parte de ella.
Recesiones de: TAYLOR, Ian, African politics: A very short Introduction, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2018, pp. 141. ÁLVAREZ COBELAS, Juan, África Saquead: La Occidentalización y sus trampas, Queimada Ediciones, Madrid, 2015, pp. 574. ; Este trabajo forma parte de una investigación financiada por la Comunidad de Madrid en el marco de las Ayudas destinadas a la Atracción de Talento Investigador y del Proyecto Intercambios culturales y creación de identidades a través de fuentes literarias, siglos XIX y XX (MINECO HAR2016-76398-P).
Ten years ago when we celebrated the 70th anniversary of Enrique Dussel in a conference entitled Mapping the decolonial turn, I presented a work on the Cuban Congo Philosophy as an expression of the existentialism of Africanism and the politics of liberation. In this conference-homage to the 80th anniversary of the master, we tried to establish a political-epistemic dialogue between the thought and politics of Africanism and the philosophy of liberation. This implies both a Dussel reading in the key of Africania and a Dusselian interpretation of African and Afro-diasporic thought. To explore this dialogue in full, beyond the possibilities of this writing, so we will take four routes in that way: 1) we will give a rough look at how the African is located in the philosophy and policy of Dussel's liberation; 2) We will look at several important examples of how to globalize and interculturalize critical thinking in the Dusselian key from the Afro world; 3) we will approach the relationship between dialectic and analytic in Dussel, and then translate it as a movement of double criticism between what we call the Reason of Caliban and the Reason of Exu-Elegguá, and; 4) We will briefly examine liberation as a political-philosophical category in Dussel in dialogue with key figures in the thinking and politics of Africanism.
A partir del caso de don Fernando, infante de Bujía, rescatado de la documentación, se analiza el fenómeno de los príncipes y mandatarios magrebíes afectos a la política norteafricana de España en el siglo XVI. Éstos, en muchas ocasiones, se ven obligados por razones políticas a desplazarse y establecerse en España, donde serán mantenidos por las autoridades. ; Seeing the case of Don Fernando, infante of Bujía, from unpublished documentation, we analyze the phenomenon of maghrebi princes keen on the North African politics of Spain in the XVIth century. These, in many occasions, are forced for political reasons to move from the Maghrib and to be established in Spain, where they will be supported by the authorities.
La relación entre China y África subsahariana es una asociación estratégica perfectible con resultados importantes para las partes hasta la fecha. El impacto de la creciente y ambiciosa estrategia, económica y comercial del gigante asiático a partir de 1978, en por lo menos 48 de los 53 estados africanos, está sustentado en unos principios diplomáticos que vulneran las condicionalidades de la agenda internacional occidental y desafían constantemente las políticas del Norte con quien China mantiene una actitud zigzagueante debido a su dependencia con el resto del mundo. La cooperación china se presenta, actualmente, para el continente como una alternativa a la occidental. África, con importantes recursos naturales, es parte de la nueva estrategia china ; The relationship between China and Sub-Saharan Africa is a perfectible strategic association that, until now, has yielded important results for both parties. The impact of the Asian giant's growing and ambitious strategy, both on the economic as well as on the commercial fronts in at least 48 of the 53 African states, is steadily growing. This strategy is based on diplomatic principles that weaken the conditions of the Western international agenda and that constantly challenge the policies of the North, with whom China maintains a zigzagging attitude due to its dependence on the rest of the world. At the moment, the Chinese cooperation is presented to the African continent as an alternative to the Western efforts. Africa, with its important natural resources, is part of the new Chinese strategy
The relationship between China and Sub-Saharan Africa is a perfectible strategic association that, until now, has yielded important results for both parties. The impact of the Asian giant's growing and ambitious strategy, both on the economic as well as on the commercial fronts in at least 48 of the 53 African states, is steadily growing. This strategy is based on diplomatic principles that weaken the conditions of the Western international agenda and that constantly challenge the policies of the North, with whom China maintains a zigzagging attitude due to its dependence on the rest of the world. At the moment, the Chinese cooperation is presented to the African continent as an alternative to the Western efforts. Africa, with its important natural resources, is part of the new Chinese strategy. ; La relación entre China y África subsahariana es una asociación estratégica perfectible con resultados importantes para las partes hasta la fecha. El impacto de la creciente y ambiciosa estrategia, económica y comercial del gigante asiático a partir de 1978, en por lo menos 48 de los 53 estados africanos, está sustentado en unos principios diplomáticos que vulneran las condicionalidades de la agenda internacional occidental y desafían constantemente las políticas del Norte con quien China mantiene una actitud zigzagueante debido a su dependencia con el resto del mundo. La cooperación china se presenta, actualmente, para el continente como una alternativa a la occidental. África, con importantes recursos naturales, es parte de la nueva estrategia china.
A partir de una aproximación etnográfica, el presente artículo esboza algunas transformaciones que se dieron como consecuencia de la promulgación de la Constitución de 1991 entre las comunidades negras en Colombia, incidiendo en las formas de relación entre el Estado y la población afrodescendiente. Se da especial atención al caso de la comunidad de la vereda San Andrés en el municipio de Girardota, Antioquia, donde ocurrieron significativos cambios en los ámbitos organizativos y de participación, como consecuencia de la apropiación del discurso del multiculturalismo. Este estudio explora la dimensión política del arte y la cultura, evidente en la dinamización de las actividades artísticas de dicha comunidad gracias a las significativas transformaciones políticas locales, a partir de la incorporación de un discurso étnico que está fundamentalmente sustentado en expresiones propias del grupo en cuestión, tales como la música, la danza y el sainete. De esta forma, se busca contribuir a un conocimiento más amplio de lo político en ámbitos interétnicos, así como sobre el papel clave que desempeñan lo artístico y lo cultural en dichos escenarios. ; Based on an ethnographic approach, the present article outlines sometransformations derived from the promulgation of the 1991 Constitution amongblack communities in Colombia, changing the ways of the relationship betweenthe State and the afro-descendant population. This article focuzes on the case of thecommunity of the village of San Andrés in the municipality of Girardota, Antioquiathat experienced some important changes in its organization and citizen participation,as a consequence of the appropriation of the discourse of multiculturalism. Thisstudy explores the political dimension of art and culture that played an importantrole in the dynamization of the artistic activities of this community. This process isdue to the significant local political transformations, starting from the incorporationof an ethnic discourse that is fundamentally based on some expressions typical ofthe afro-descendant group, such as music, dance and sainete. In this way, the aim isto bring a broader understanding of politics in inter-ethnic areas, as well as the keyrole played by arts and culture in these scenarios.
Las relaciones entre China y África se han intensifi cado desde el 2000 conforme al esquema liberal de las reformas del país en 1978 y a pesar de la crisis de 2008. Evaluar tales relaciones como modelo de desarrollo y de proyección al exterior requiere estudiar su historia, la crítica sesgada de que han sido objeto y su desarrollo actual. El Estado chino ha protegido sectores estratégicos y promovido el esquema de benefi cio mutuo, eje de las relaciones sino-africanas. Desde el lado africano, el aprovechamiento de su relación con China depende de su propia voluntad política para construir un proyecto nacional. ; Th e relations between China and Africa have deepened since 2000, following the liberal schema of the 1978 reforms and despite the crisis of 2008. Assessing such relations as a model for development and international interaction requires an analysis of Chinese history, of the biased criticism directed at the Asian country, and the latter's current development. Th e Chinese State has protected strategic sectors and promoted a "win-win" strategy that is the core of Sino-African relations. From the perspective of African countries, taking advantage of the relationship with China depends on their political will to defi ne a national project. ; 45-59 ; int.personne@gmail.com ; semestral
Máster Universitario en Filosofía: Humanismo y Trascendencia ; Nuestro trabajo consta de tres capítulos fundamentales. Destaquemos que: El primer capítulo, como preámbulo de los capítulos II y III lo analizamos, apoyándonos en la filósofa Hannah Arendt y su estudio del sistema político totalitario: sus fundamentos y demás aspectos que lo conforma. En el segundo capítulo, analizamos con profundidad las políticas negro-africanas y el vacío de poder que subyace en todas ellas, como consecuencia de la ausencia de unas políticas de elaboración democrática, la continuidad de las políticas coloniales tras las independencias, la asimilación de meros conceptos posteriores como democracia, y sus derivados; y el miedo a perder el poder. Todo ello muestra la debilidad de las políticas negro-africanas. En el tercer capítulo, nuestro estudio se centra en la realidad concreta de la República Democrática del Congo, sus constantes fracasos políticos, la falta de cohesión social en gran medida, debido al tamaño del territorio y, por consiguiente, la incapacidad de sus gobernantes para mantener el control total del país, hacen de él un país vulnerable. ; The critical analysis of the theoretical principles and other traits that shape the totalitarian political system, backed by political philosopher Hannah Arendt's perspective which is dealt with in the first chapter, which also serves as an introduction to chapters II and III. The second chapter is concerned with the thorough scrutiny of black African politics and the underlying risk of power vacuum in all of them on account of the absence of truly inherent or pragmatically policies. Chapter two expands further into addressing how the evolution of colonialism into neo-colonialism upon the colonies' achievement of independence, the internalization of foreign concepts such as democracy and its derivatives and the unmissable tendency to toxic power attachment evidences the feebleness of black African politics. With the Democratic Republic of Congo as our case study, in chapter three we engage ourselves into its cyclic absence of political stability and cohesive social structure at a very large scale due to the vastness of the land, factors that heavily influence the total helplessness of the local government to effectively manage the nation, hence resulting in its heightened vulnerability.
Se presenta en este pequeño ensayo un conjunto de reflexiones sobre lo que ha significado lo político (el hecho y el espacio políticos) en la tradición de la filosofía política occidental, y sus correlatos en África. Si bien son indudables los avances en el conocimiento y la comprensión de lo político desde este primer polo (Occidente), la indagación sobre los fenómenos políticos en África ha permanecido largo tiempo en un desconocimiento prepotente y reduccionista desde lo teórico y desde las miradas occidentales. Se expondrá, entre otras consideraciones, la importancia de uno de los aspectos diferenciales clave para el espacio político africano en contraste con el espacio político occidental: la no separación entre lo personal (individual) y lo político (colectivo). Resulta palmario hoy el rescate de África como un continente susceptible de ser abordado, estudiado y comprendido desde las diversas ciencias sociales en su amplitud, y no desde la reificación del humanitarismo paternalista o el folclorismo de lo exótico. ; Some thoughts about the significance of politics (the "political fact" and the "political space") in the tradition of the Western political philosophy, and its correlates in Africa, are presented in this brief essay. The knowledge and the comprehension of politics from the Western tradition are undoubtedly well-known. Conversely, the research of the political phenomenon in Africa has remained uncovered for a long time both from theory and from Western perspective. The non-separation between the personal and the political dimensions in the African political space, in contrast to the Western political space, will be exposed here, among others considerations, as one key issue for a proper understanding of the African Politics. It is crucial nowadays the rescue of Africa as a continent susceptible of being addressed (studied, comprehended) from the Social Sciences and not from the reification of the paternalistic Humanitarianism or the Folklore of Exotics.
The short-lived popularity boost of the Osama bin Laden operation having all but faded, President Obama for the first time appears vulnerable and could be defeated in the 2012 election. Indeed, many are starting to wonder if he will be a one-term president like Jimmy Carter and George H.W. Bush. As congressional leaders continue to meet with Vice President Joe Biden to negotiate a reduction of the federal budget and to avoid a potential default on government debt, the economic recovery seems to be stalling: reports released last week show unemployment rose again to 9.1 % and job growth slowed down, and manufacturing and retail sales are also down from last quarter.The only good news for the President is that the Republican field of candidates, while still fluid, is very weak so far, and the Republican Party leadership divided and ineffective. Hefty potential candidates such as Jeb Bush (undoubtedly the strongest intellect in the GOP today) and New Jersey Governor Chris Christie have eschewed confronting the formidable President-candidate in 2012 and seem to be lying in wait for 2016, when they expect the field to be wide open.The first serious national presidential debate for the Republican candidacy took place on Monday, June 13. Mitt Romney, former governor of Massachusetts and the author of a health plan there which critics contend is very similar to Obama's, emerged as the solid front-runner and Michelle Bachman, an Evangelical Congresswoman from Minnesota and a Tea Party favorite, as the one who can challenge him. She is a former tax lawyer and a mother of five, who also apparently has found time to raise 23 foster kids. She is often compared to Sarah Palin, but most agree that she has more substance, understands how the government and can articulate ideas. She portrays herself as the anti-establishment figure, although she has been in Congress for a while and is at present the Chair of the House Intelligence Committee. Similarly to Palin, she considers the federal government an "elitist conspiracy" against middle-America and has invoked the War Powers Resolution to force Obama to request Congress authorization to continue operations in Libya. Tim Pawlenty, former governor of Minnesota, also an Evangelical with Tea Party following, was expected to be a serious challenger, but missed an opportunity to confront Romney on his health care plan for Massachusetts, which he had severely criticized the day before on national TV, stating it was very similar to Obama's, and going as far as calling Romney a "co-conspirator in Obama care." This lack of courage to confront the front-runner personally has made him a distant third in the primary race. Romney, on the other hand, was very well-prepared, confident in his own image of the businessman/CEO who can fix the jobs problem. The rest of the Republican candidates were a motley crew, starting with Herman Cain, an African-American businessman, owner of a pizza chain and talk show host, followed by Ron Paul, a radical libertarian that in spite of his quirky ways is quite endearing in his candid contempt for government, and Newt Gingrich, whose entire campaign staff had just resigned due to his lack of discipline and inability to run a serious campaign. All candidates focused more on bashing Obama than each other, since it is early in the race and there will be time enough for that this coming fall. Rick Santorum, another fiscal and social conservative (but in this case Catholic) and former Senator for Pennsylvania, completes the second-tier line-up of Republican candidates.But the Republican field has not firmed up yet, and there could be some surprise Republican candidates entering the race, as the President appears more vulnerable. In fact, only yesterday John Huntsman, a new intriguing figure who has been Obama's ambassador to China, joined the fray announcing his candidacy from Liberty Island, next to the Statue of Liberty, in the same spot where Ronald Reagan announced his in 1980. Huntsman, former governor of Utah, is a billionaire, a moderate and a Mormon, just like Romney. Both will skip Iowa, the first test for candidates, and one dominated by Evangelical "value" voters. Both are well-spoken, good looking family men with no rough edges. Unlike Romney, he has very little name recognition at the national level, and spent years as a missionary in China, where he learnt to speak Mandarin fluently. What he brings to the race is his expertise in that country, the main holder of American's debt, and therefore, the one that worries Americans the most. He has framed this primary contest as one between "renewal and decline". He speaks in a very quiet, civil tone and he introduced himself to the public through a stream of unusual videos, one for example that shows the candidate himself, in motocross attire from heads to toe, riding his motorbike across the Utah desert, as dreamy country music plays in the background. The White House is said to be concerned about his candidacy, not only because of moderation, his capacity and his presidential demeanor but also because he has been an insider of this administration and may use information thus acquired against the President. He could become a formidable opponent, a Republican mirror image of the President.Another prospective candidate, who, if he decides to run, could throw all calculations into disarray, is Rick Perry, the Governor of Texas. He is an attractive candidate for the party establishment and has two very strong qualities: first, he is a social conservative who could supersede Bachman and Pawlenty in drawing the Tea Party vote; second, he has been a successful governor who can boast about his job creation record in Texas (40% of all new jobs during the recovery were created in Texas). He is still testing the waters, and similarly to Huntsman, may perhaps use 2012 as a platform that can propel him into the 2016 election. Although he has not announced his candidacy, observers point to his convening of a "National Day of Prayer" for early August as a sign that he may run. He would be a formidable contester, since he can speak both the language of the Tea Party as well as the national language of this 2012 election, which is the economy and jobs.In comparing the Republican Party today with the one of ten years ago, one cannot help but notice the big shift that has occurred, and in doing so, perhaps be less dismissive of Ron Paul's philosophical influence on the party rank and file. The truth is the libertarian streak has made important inroads inside the party, and voters are now serious about not only fiscal conservatism and smaller government, but also a retrenchment of America's role in the world. This was apparent during last week's debate and the public conversations that followed in the airwaves throughout the week. Most of the candidates blasted Obama for intervening in Libya and called for an early withdrawal from Afghanistan. Michelle Bachman invoked the War Powers Resolution, passed in 1973 during Watergate, which obligates the President to seek the approval of Congress 60 days after the beginning of hostilities. The Republican Party has traditionally been the home of National Security "hawks", and the last strong isolationist mood in the party dates to the 1920s. While an isolationist wing emerged again right before Gen. Eisenhower became president, after that it was represented by a very small group, led in the last twenty years or so by Pat Buchanan. Today, a war-weary and budget- conscious American public is in favor of withdrawal from Afghanistan by a wide majority (73% of all Americans, 59% among Republicans), in spite of the fact that most had understood that to be a "war of necessity" as opposed to Iraq, a war of choice. If we count American military presence in Iraq, Libya, Yemen and the tribal areas of Pakistan, today the US is involved in five different conflicts, and spending billions of dollars a month on them, most of which are considered wars of choice. Today, President Obama is in fact a victim of his own success: bin Laden is dead, so Americans want out of Afghanistan. This is echoed loudly enough by his opponents. The President is thus under pressure to bring the troops home not only by libertarians but also by extreme Right candidates (Bachman) and even by mainstream candidates like Huntsman and Romney.After the debate, Republican Senators John Mc Cain and Lindsay Graham and Defense Secretary Gates took to the airwaves to admonish the candidates on this issue, accusing them of choosing politics over policy in matters of national security. Mc Cain went so far as to say that Reagan would not recognize his own party: "This is not the Republican Party of Ronald Reagan, who was always willing to stand up for freedom all over the world". He insisted that Khadafy was crumbling and that US logistical support, intelligence and refueling capabilities had to be continued to finish him off. He went even further and picked the opportunity to criticize Obama for not using America's own airpower, and instead "leading from behind". This was a theme that Bachman had also used in her speech, somewhat incoherently, since she vilified Obama for allowing the French to lead the operation in Libya while at the same time invoking the War Powers Resolution and demanding US withdrawal, since there were no apparent US interests involved there. Mc Cain in his own interview with Christiane Amanpour, later refuted Bachman's claim by stating that Khadafi had consistently supported terrorism, was responsible for the bombing of Pan Am 103 and was about to massacre his own people at Benghazi when NATO intervened and stopped him. "Our interests are our values" and "Sometimes leadership entails sacrifice," he added.To Romney's equivocal reference to the "Afghanis (sic) war of Independence" (an expression that per se brings serious doubts to his basic knowledge of geopolitics) Senator Lindsay Graham also in his own interview, later retorted: "This is not a war of Afghan independence, from my point of view" (of course, it isn't, it's a civil war!). He continued: "This is the center of gravity against the war on terror, radical Islam. It is in our national security interest to make sure that the Taliban never come back". He warned them not to try to position themselves to "the Left" of President Obama on this issue" and he hinted that that decision would lose them the nomination.Among the wide array of opinions, only Tim Pawlenty heeded the party line that the advice of military commanders and the situation on the ground would be the main determinant of troop withdrawals under his watch. Outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates criticized the "declinists" who put the short term expediency politics ahead of long-term national security interests. He added that examining the bottom line only is short-sighted, since intervention is not about sheer cost, it is about the cost of failure of early withdrawals, such as Afghanistan in 1989. Earlier, on his last trip as defense secretary, Gates had bluntly told NATO members meeting in Brussels that the military weakness of most members and their lack of will to share risks and costs of NATO operations were putting severe strains on the organization and particularly on the United States. Indeed, less than a third of NATO members are taking part in the Libyan operation, although NATO is a consensus- based organization and therefore, all members voted to approve it.According Secretary Gates, the need to cut spending and radically reduce the budget has become an obsession and sparked a new current of isolationism that now insidiously divides the traditionally hawkish Republican Party. This, he told a Newsweek interviewer, is one of the main reasons that have led to his resignation, after serving two administrations and becoming the epitome of bipartisanship. His unwillingness to plan for more withdrawals and find other ways to reduce the bloated defense budget has been criticized both from the Left and the Right. He complains about how both "Congress budget hawks and defense hawks" constantly interfere with his work. He ends by saying he refuses to be part of a nation that is forced to scale back its military power so much that it can no longer lead. His frustration is apparent; his resignation paved the way for Obama's announcement of troop withdrawal, a few days later.This last week, the presidential politics of war became clearer. Feeling the pressure of Republicans attacking him from his "left flank", President Obama told a war-weary nation that he plans to start withdrawing troops by December this year, ending the surge by the summer of 2012 and bringing home most of the rest by 2014. Although there is a widespread sense that Obama has gotten so involved in the daily details of the war that would prefer to stay on and see his counterinsurgency policy through, he has quickly readjusted to the realities at home and accelerated the withdrawal timeline that his generals had recommended. With his earlier decisions of aggressively pursuing the war on terror, signing off on drone killing missions, and having bin Laden killed inside Pakistan, he successfully beat the image of a Dovish President, weak in National Security. This past Wednesday, with the words, "It is time to do nation-building at home", he acknowledged the public's concerns about the waste of American power, blood and treasure abroad while the country is still suffering from the recession, and quickly moved back to center.This is the spirit of the times. It requires a new type of leadership, one that is strong enough to face down enemies, yet flexible enough to accommodate to the new and constantly shifting realities, to accept a revised status of the nation and to lead it into new era in its history. Time will show whether such leader is among the Republicans new line-up or whether he is already in the White House.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia