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The democratic reforms introduced in many sub-Saharan African countries during the 1990s involved the restoration of multipartism. The re-emergence of party politics spurred a number of analyses of the continent's new parties & party systems, largely based on theories & concepts derived from the study of advanced democracies. The article reviews & critically examines recent works on Africa's parties & party systems by presenting the dominant themes & issues & by investigating the utility of Western-derived models for the analysis of new multiparty regimes. In spite of a quantitative increase & a qualitative improvement in the study of Africa's parties & party systems, the latter still suffers a scarcity of empirical & theoretical investigations. At the same time, the use of political science tools for the study of party politics south of the Sahara is part of a broader positive trend towards a better integration of the analysis of African politics with that of politics in other world areas. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

African States have been the first supporters of the ICC and are the most numerous group among the ICC Member States. Nevertheless, in recent years, the African Union (AU) and numerous African States perceive the ICC as an instrument of a new form of colonialism of the main Powers, which encroach African States sovereignty through the ICC judicial activities. After the indictment of former Sudanese President Al Bashir, the AU urged the UN Security Council to defer the ICC proceedings as it impedes efforts to secure a lasting peace in that country; it decided that its Member States shall not comply with the Al Bashir arrest warrant, and developed a strategy for "collective withdrawal". Given this backdrop, the paper first connects of this ICC's "crisis" to the general crisis of multilateralism Then it focuses on the "positive" effects of the African criticism on the development of the ICC most recent judicial activities. It also analyses whether the mentioned Africa Union/African States' criticism is an effort to claim their own role in managing African affairs and African crimes, and to become a more fundamental part of international politics and institutions. Finally, it ascertains whether the principle of "positive complementarity" may become a useful tool to solve the conflict between the ICC and African States.

For this paper I shall look at ways of coordinating politics and entertainment, or in slightly other terms aesthetics and politics, as they have been used to construct ancient tragedy as a means to the good society. In my title this aspect of tragedy is identified as "home", to indicate tragedy's preoccupation with community. This is a note repeatedly struck in discourse about tragedy, both by the earliest commentators and by those negotiating the development of the nation-state, and of political reform, in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This essay thus first considers some of the different ways in which tragedy has been associated with the goal of the good community, by the theoretical works of Plato, Aristotle, Schlegel, Williams and Eagleton, as well as by harnessing productions and performances to the political effort of nation-building. The essay will then contrastingly explore tragedy's "homelessness", the ways in which it uproots its characters and sets them in restless motion. These latter reflections are prompted by recent receptions of tragedy that have responded to the global migrant crisis, and that are thus in dialogue with earlier critical understandings of tragedy which were more likely to foreground a sense of civic identity associated with the polis. I thus consider productions of Aeschylus' Suppliant Women in Syracuse and Edinburgh, and the new ancient trilogy, acted by Syrian women refugees, which has unfolded since 2013, in the Middle East and Europe, under the creative guidance of Omar Abu Saada and Mohammad Al Attar. The new focus is born of and gives voice to new global realities. Barbara Goff is Professor of Classics at the University of Reading, UK. She has published extensively on Greek tragedy and its reception, especially in postcolonial contexts. Her most important books include Your Secret Language: classics in the British colonies of West Africa (London: Bloomsbury, 2013), Crossroads in the Black Aegean: Oedipus, Antigone, and dramas of the African diaspora (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), and The Noose of Words: Readings of Desire, Violence and Language in Euripides' Hippolytos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). Her most recent publication is a collection, co-edited with Introduction, titled Classicising Crisis: the modern age of revolutions and the Greco-Roman repertoire (London: Routledge, 2020). Keywords: tragedy, exile, home, refugee, Syria

More than 130 years of shared history between France and Algeria followed by one of the most brutal wars of decolonization in 1962 generated important developments in both countries and their self-perceptions. However, immediately after the war, France began a policy of "national amnesia" towards the memories of Algeria. There is a "halo effect" that imputes an Algerian origin to any Arab-looking individual. Thus, since the biggest part of Arabs in France are of North African descent, in this research, Algeria is seen as a medium through which France perceives its Arab part of identity. The fact that the shared history with Algeria, memories and France's wrongdoings during the war were not included in the national narrative of France had negatively influenced France's ability to integrate its Arab population. The awareness of its own growing pluralism and inability to accept it has created an identity crisis. This article attempts to address this particular issue.

More than 130 years of shared history between France and Algeria followed by one of the most brutal wars of decolonization in 1962 generated important developments in both countries and their self-perceptions. However, immediately after the war, France began a policy of "national amnesia" towards the memories of Algeria. There is a "halo effect" that imputes an Algerian origin to any Arab-looking individual. Thus, since the biggest part of Arabs in France are of North African descent, in this research, Algeria is seen as a medium through which France perceives its Arab part of identity. The fact that the shared history with Algeria, memories and France's wrongdoings during the war were not included in the national narrative of France had negatively influenced France's ability to integrate its Arab population. The awareness of its own growing pluralism and inability to accept it has created an identity crisis. This article attempts to address this particular issue.

More than 130 years of shared history between France and Algeria followed by one of the most brutal wars of decolonization in 1962 generated important developments in both countries and their self-perceptions. However, immediately after the war, France began a policy of "national amnesia" towards the memories of Algeria. There is a "halo effect" that imputes an Algerian origin to any Arab-looking individual. Thus, since the biggest part of Arabs in France are of North African descent, in this research, Algeria is seen as a medium through which France perceives its Arab part of identity. The fact that the shared history with Algeria, memories and France's wrongdoings during the war were not included in the national narrative of France had negatively influenced France's ability to integrate its Arab population. The awareness of its own growing pluralism and inability to accept it has created an identity crisis. This article attempts to address this particular issue.

More than 130 years of shared history between France and Algeria followed by one of the most brutal wars of decolonization in 1962 generated important developments in both countries and their self-perceptions. However, immediately after the war, France began a policy of "national amnesia" towards the memories of Algeria. There is a "halo effect" that imputes an Algerian origin to any Arab-looking individual. Thus, since the biggest part of Arabs in France are of North African descent, in this research, Algeria is seen as a medium through which France perceives its Arab part of identity. The fact that the shared history with Algeria, memories and France's wrongdoings during the war were not included in the national narrative of France had negatively influenced France's ability to integrate its Arab population. The awareness of its own growing pluralism and inability to accept it has created an identity crisis. This article attempts to address this particular issue.

In Ghana, health decentralization processes are promoted since first years of 2000, and they are developed and organized on the base of administrative decentralization. Two of the most important health decentralization and health promotion projects are the Community Based Health Planning and Service (CHPS) and the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), that are spreading within African continent with different forms. In this paper I want to outline the structure and the characteristics of these projects, to observe qualitative and quantitative influence they present in a local and rural context like Jomoro District (Western Region, Ghana), and to analyze the current management of Ghanaian Public Health. Nevertheless, it is relevant observing the integration politics between biomedicine and other therapeutic traditions presented in the social context, to outline a complete description of health system. Decentralisation and integration politics are important programmes promoted by Ministry of Health. Therefore, after a short presentation of legitimation processes of traditional medicine, I"ll investigate the current professionalization politics of traditional healers and integration between different medical resources proposed by the Ministry of Health. This Kind of integration is very different from the "informal integration" present in a local context (Jomoro District), and induces to underline a radical dichotomy between politics and practices. At the end, the aim is to investigate reductionism of ministerial programs related to traditional medicine, apparent inclusionism of Ghanaian health politics, very distant from social actors" behaviors, and to debate on democratisation and privatization processes following current ri-definitions of health systems. ; In Ghana, health decentralization processes are promoted since first years of 2000, and they are developed and organized on the base of administrative decentralization. Two of the most important health decentralization and health promotion projects are the Community Based Health Planning and Service (CHPS) and the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), that are spreading within African continent with different forms. In this paper I want to outline the structure and the characteristics of these projects, to observe qualitative and quantitative influence they present in a local and rural context like Jomoro District (Western Region, Ghana), and to analyze the current management of Ghanaian Public Health. Nevertheless, it is relevant observing the integration politics between biomedicine and other therapeutic traditions presented in the social context, to outline a complete description of health system. Decentralisation and integration politics are important programmes promoted by Ministry of Health. Therefore, after a short presentation of legitimation processes of traditional medicine, I"ll investigate the current professionalization politics of traditional healers and integration between different medical resources proposed by the Ministry of Health. This Kind of integration is very different from the "informal integration" present in a local context (Jomoro District), and induces to underline a radical dichotomy between politics and practices. At the end, the aim is to investigate reductionism of ministerial programs related to traditional medicine, apparent inclusionism of Ghanaian health politics, very distant from social actors" behaviors, and to debate on democratisation and privatization processes following current ri-definitions of health systems.

The article analyzes the debate on "racial" or "ethnic voting" in postapartheid South Africa, looking at its implications for democratic theory. A critical review is offered of "sociological" (culture- & class-based) as well as "psychological" & political communication explanations for the unexpected tendency of the 'coloured' voters in the Cape area to "betray" the African National Congress & line up with the white electorate after 1993. An alternative explanation is also offered that seeks to combine elements from the theory of cleavages, class voting theory, & the Downsian theory of elections. It is based on the application of some recent developments of European & American rational choice sociology to the genesis of voting preferences, as well as on the concept of language repertoire & central place theory. Finally, some possible adjustments to the liberal democratic model in contexts marked by economic, language, culture, & geographic differentials are recommended from within the theoretical framework of the neo-contractarian views of democracy. 8 Tables, 2 Figures, 72 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the achievable strategic role that the porto of Porto Empedocle (sinergy by Agrigento, its "city mother") could have. This marginal city, localized in the center of the African side of the Sicily, is far from European politics, but this situation could change. It's necessary to improve the sea routes and to activate the disused railway line from Porto Empedocle to Castelvetrano (near Trapani). This solution will help the accessibility of Agrigento and the development of the little coastal towns organized in a slow and sustainable network. ; Lo scritto analizza il possibile ruolo strategico che il porto di Porto Empedocle (in sinergica con la sua città-madre, Agrigento). Questa piccola e marginale cittadina, baricentro geografico del fronte africano della Sicilia, è lontana dalle politiche europee. Ma la situazione potrebbe evolversi attraverso una serie di azioni sinergiche. Tra queste, l'attivazione di percorsi via mare e la ri-attivazione della rete ferroviaria dismessa che da Porto Empedocle giungeva a Castelvetrano. Tutto ciò migliorerà l'accessibilità di Agrigento e lo sviluppo di Porto Empedocle, nodo di una possibile rete di piccoli comuni, lenta e sostenibile. ; The paper analyzes the achievable strategic role that the porto of Porto Empedocle (sinergy by Agrigento, its "city mother") could have. This marginal city, localized in the center of the African side of the Sicily, is far from European politics, but this situation could change. It's necessary to improve the sea routes and to activate the disused railway line from Porto Empedocle to Castelvetrano (near Trapani). This solution will help the accessibility of Agrigento and the development of the little coastal towns organized in a slow and sustainable network.

ABSTRACT: With the Third Punic War, Scipio Emiliano had settled the African question, constituting a province which still had good relations with the kingdom of Numidia ruled by Massinissa, whose politics had attracted Roman merchants and businessmen to Africa, romans and italics. attracted by African riches, Rome was therefore grateful for the relations it had with Numidia. the kingdom after the death of Massinissa had passed to the eldest son Mecipsa, on the latter's death, the kingdom was disputed by the three main heirs, among them, the most unscrupulous was Giugurta, adopted son of Mecipsa, thus a long struggle for supremacy broke out. This article deals with the period of the Roman conquest in North Africa, with particular dedication to the period post- Massinissa and the analysis of the politico-social scenario of Numidia. What role did Giugurta play? How did Rome respond to this threat? RIASSUNTO: Con la terza guerra punica, Scipione Emiliano sbarcò sul territorio di Cartagine, dopo questa grandiosa vittoria, l'Africa del Nord divenne provincia romana, Roma e Numidia avevano sempre mantenuto buoni rapporti, infatti la politica di Massinissa aveva atterrato in Africa commercianti e uomini d'affari, romani ed italici attratti dalle ricchezze africane, dunque Roma era contenta dei rapporti che interattiva con la Numidia, il regno dopo la morte di Massinissa era passato al figlio maggiore Mecipsa, alla morte di quest'ultimo, il regno fu conteso dai tre principali eredi, tra i quali il più spregiudicato era Giugurta, figlio adottivo di Mecipsa, scoppiò cosi una lunga lotto per la supremazia. Nel presente articolo sono trattati i momenti della conquista romana in Nord-Africa, con particolare dedizione al periodo post-massinissiano e all'analisi dello scenario politico-sociale della Numidia. Quale il ruolo giocato da Giugurta ? Come Roma rispose a tale minaccia?