Suchergebnisse

In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho's thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.

In the 1970s & 1980s, migratory flows of Portuguese & luso-Africans from old Portuguese African colonies towards to Sao Paulo were the result of the pressures of difficult & complex African & Portuguese politics. Three very different cultural experiences were in play: that of the portuguese colony, the african context, & the Brazilian character of the destination, Sao Paulo. This paper explores the migrant's complex displacement experiences, the insertion of the migrant into the new context & the conflicts of identity that this migratory process entailed. We concentrate on the recent past, which has not been extensively researched. We use a method we call 'summarized life-histories', which seemed appropriate, as we didn't know what the immigrants would tell us. We present a number of specific cases to exemplify our analysis. Through them, we can see that memories refer to events, people & places from the three continents, through the conscious & unconscious construction of multiple identities.

The article discusses the African state, using Michael Mann's theory of state formation as a starting point. Mann describes state formation as a process through which society is gradually "caged in" by the state, establishing the state as the highest political authority & the final arbiter of conflict within its territory. I argue that African states have been unable to "cage in" their societies. On the one hand, this means that politics does not only consist in struggles about control over the state or the content of state politics. Instead, the state's right to formulate laws & policies that are binding for society as a whole is challenged. On the other hand, since the state is unable to control its borders, interstate relations also take a different form. Conflicts that start as civil wars tend to spread across borders, without any of the affected states being able to prevent it. As a result, the distinction between the internal & the external becomes blurred. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the roles, good & bad, played primarily by European but also other countries in the colonial & postcolonial histories of the five African countries of which Portuguese is the official language -- Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, & Sao Tome & Principe, known as PALOP (Paises Africanos de Lingua Official Portuguese). The author draws on 22 books to describe the history of the colonization of the PALOP nations & the external influences on their current politics, cultures, language, religions, & people, examining each country turn. The account of Mozambique & its province of Inhambane explains the commercial, political, & social participation of Denmark, stemming primarily from its capital, Copenhagen, in this African country's current state of being & development. Adapted from the source document.

INTRODUÇÃO Esta dissertação tem por objecto de estudo os efeitos dos programas de política económica e social de estabilização e de ajustamento estrutural2 no bemestar das famílias urbanas da capital de um país africano, a cidade de Bissau, na República da Guiné-Bissau, no período de 1986 a 2001. O contexto mais geral em que a investigação se insere, respeita à evolução política, económica e social do país após a independência, em 1974. A antiga Guiné Portuguesa procurou organizar a sua economia a partir de uma governação centralizada, com intervenção significativa de instituições estatais da administração central3, nacionalização de empresas existentes ou criação de outras com o mesmo estatuto. A dinamização do processo de desenvolvimento coube ao Partido para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), que dirigira a luta de libertação contra o colonialismo e se tornou o partido único e o agente principal de toda a vida colectiva, social e económica do país. Os instrumentos privilegiados foram os Planos de Desenvolvimento, apoiados em investimentos de grande dimensão e na ajuda internacional de origem em países de diferentes ideologias políticas. O enquadramento político expressou-se na organização do partido único, com uma governação que se impunha ao Governo e à Assembleia Nacional Popular, com mobilização política da população para a produção, incentivo a formas cooperativas de organização empresarial no campo e na cidade, repressão à oposição e à actividade de comerciantes e empresários privados. Os resultados negativos quanto ao objectivo traçado pelo partido e governo, de conseguir um melhor nível de bem-estar para a população, estão entre as origens de um golpe de Estado ( 14 de Novembro de 1980) liderado por uma parte dos militantes do PAIGC, sobretudo de origem guineense. O novo poder enveredou por um caminho de liberalização gradual da economia, mas também não conseguiu, até 1986, cumprir os objectivos de desenvolvimento a que se propunha. ; This research tried to clarify the effects on the households welfare of the governance on economics and social politics, specially stabilization and structural adjustment programs. Th space is one African town in Guinea-Bissau, its capital, between 1986 and 2001. Two models of knowledge as been used: - The first based on theories built by authors mainly from universities without a strong practical concern. - The second based on the urgency found when situations require answers from internationals structures public or non profit. The methodology used begins with the asset that the well been in an African society must be analyzed giving a significant weight to its different components and that this cannot be accomplished with one single area of knowledge. Authors from economics, social psychology, sociology, anthropology and politics are fundamental to understand the importance of governance on the well been of households. We conclude that the stabilization and structural adjustment programs are the cause of a clear loss of independence in this African country. To establish the relationship between the households strategies and the governance we define a typology of politics on African countries and another to the different middle time households strategies. The main nationals politics actors as the government, the parliament, the president the Courts of Justice end the international as the IMF, WB, both has a share in the process of change the country to a dependent territory in temrs of the capacity of define and conduct an economics and social policy. The households has different success strategies in economics activities specially with agriculture, non specialized work and private sector; those who preferred the commerce has dubious results; those that preferred the public administration or the public sector has the less success. We verified that governance make a direct link between the households well being and the external conditions of definition of economics and social politics. The conclusions about the households capacity of controlling the effects on the appropriation of resources of those politics based only on the consumption expenses, show us that is not enough to consider only this variable to analyze the evolution of well being. The general conclusion is that even if Guinea-Bissau has a ensemble of social groups composed with about 32 racial groups with a very rich cultural and historical life, with a victorious fight for independence, with a large support from rural population to built a country based on resources enough to feed his population without military conflicts destroying people and structures, and an evolution from a only one party to a democratic political system, the country has much difficulty to give to his citizens the level of well being they want.

Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.

Pedro Schacht Pereira is an associate professor of Portuguese and Iberian Studies at The Ohio State University in the USA and is part of the teaching team that in 2012 created a PhD program in Portuguese Language World Studies. He graduated in Philosophy from the University of Coimbra in 1993 and received his doctorate in Portuguese and Brazilian Studies from Brown University in 2005. His first book on the relations between philosophy and literature in Almeida Garrett, Eça de Queirós and Machado de Assis, was published in 2014 by the Press of the University of Coimbra and Editora Annablume (São Paulo). Of the various projects that are underway, a monograph on Eça de Queirós and the African sublime, an investigation on the pre-Freyrean roots of the Lusotropicalist discourse, and another on the representation of Afrodescendence in Portugal in the first half of the 20th century are highlighted. XX. He was the author and promoter of the Open Letter in which a number of Portuguese and foreign academics, journalists and public figures in April 2017 demarcated from the positions taken by President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa in a speech in Gorée, Senegal, on the alleged historical role of Portugal in the abolition of slavery. ; Pedro Schacht Pereira es profesor asociado de Estudios Ibéricos e Portugueses en la Universidad Estatal de Ohio en los EE. UU. Y forma parte del equipo docente que en 2012 creó un programa de doctorado en Estudios del Mundo de la Lengua Portuguesa. Se graduó en Filosofía en la Universidad de Coimbra en 1993 y recibió su doctorado en Estudios Portugueses y Brasileños en la Universidad Brown en 2005. Su primer libro sobre las relaciones entre filosofía y literatura en Almeida Garrett, Eça de Queirós y Machado de Assis, fue publicado en 2014 por la Prensa de la Universidad de Coimbra y Editora Annablume (São Paulo). De los diversos proyectos en curso, una monografía sobre Eça de Queirós y el sublime africano, una investigación sobre las raíces pre-freyreas del discurso lusotropicalista y otra sobre la representación de la Afrodescendencia en Portugal en la primera mitad del siglo. XX. Fue el autor y promotor de la Carta Abierta en la cual varios académicos, periodistas y personalidades portugueses y extranjeros en abril de 2017 se delimitaron de las posiciones tomadas por el presidente Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa en un discurso en Gorée, Senegal, sobre el supuesto papel histórico de Portugal en la abolición de la esclavitud. ; Pedro Schacht Pereira é professor associado de Estudos Portugueses e Ibéricos na The Ohio State University, nos EUA, fazendo parte da equipa docente que em 2012 criou na mesma instituição um programa de doutoramento em Estudos do Mundo de Língua Portuguesa. Licenciou-se em Filosofia pela Universidade de Coimbra, em 1993, e doutorou-se em Estudos Portugueses e Brasileiros pela Brown University em 2005. O seu primeiro livro, sobre as relações entre filosofia e literatura em Almeida Garrett, Eça de Queirós e Machado de Assis, foi publicado em 2014 pela Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra e a Editora Annablume (São Paulo). Dos vários projetos que tem em curso destacam-se uma monografia sobre Eça de Queirós e o sublime africano, uma investigação sobre as raízes pré-freyreanas do discurso lusotropicalista, e outra sobre a representação da afrodescendência em Portugal na primeira metade do séc. XX. Foi autor e promotor da Carta Aberta em que vários académicos, jornalistas e figuras públicas portuguesas e estrangeiras em abril de 2017 se demarcaram das posições assumidas pelo Presidente da República Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa num discurso em Gorée, no Senegal, sobre o alegado papel histórico de Portugal na abolição da escravatura.

The article deals with describing the moments in which the Colombian State has legislated for the peoples of African ancestry, especially in the matter of educational rights. It will also show that the specific laws for these communities in a contradictory manner do not enjoy a promotion strategy on the part of the State and on the contrary have been naturalized in a double game of inclusion-denial, that is, the right of blacks is part of the normativity but it does not apply in practice. It is postulated here that the inclusion of the Afro communities to the State's educational policies responds to a demobilization strategy and an attempt to close the protest processes. However, despite the colonial and racist vision that permanently marks the performance of Colombian elites, since the nineteenth century groups of black intellectuals have emerged that have significantly influenced the processes of claiming an education aimed at revitalizing the social, political and cultural constructions of Afro-Colombians. The opening to the cultural diversity of the 1991 Political Constitution is read here as a strategy of State multiculturalism. ; El artículo se ocupa de describir los momentos en que el Estado colombiano ha legislado para los pueblos de ancestro africano, especialmente en materia de derechos educativos. También mostrará que las leyes específicas para estas comunidades de manera contradictoria no gozan de una estrategia de promoción por parte del Estado y por el contrario se han naturalizado en un doble juego de inclusión-negación, esto es, el derecho de los negros es parte de la normatividad pero no se aplica en la práctica. Se postula aquí que la inclusión de las comunidades Afro a las políticas educativas del Estado responde a una estrategia de desmovilización e intento de cierre de los procesos reivindicativos. No obstante, pese a la visión colonial y racista que marca de forma permanente el desempeño de las elites colombianas, desde el siglo XIX emergen grupos de intelectuales negros que han logrado influir de manera significativa en los procesos de reclamación de una educación enderezada a revitalizar las construcciones sociales, políticas y culturales de los afrocolombianos. La apertura a la diversidad cultural de la Constitución política de 1991 es leída aquí como estrategia del multiculturalismo de Estado. ; O artigo se ocupa em descrever os momentos em que o Estado colombiano legislou para as populações de ascendência africana, principalmente no que diz respeito aos direitos educativos. Também mostrará que as leis específicas para estas comunidades, de modo contraditório, não gozam de uma estratégia de promoção por parte do Estado. Ao contrário, foram naturalizadas em um duplo jogo de inclusão-negação, isto é, o direito dos negros é parte da normativa, mas não é aplicado na prática. Postulamos aqui que a inclusão das comunidades afrodescendentes às políticas educativas do Estado corresponde a uma estratégia de desmobilização e a uma tentativa de encerramento dos processos reivindicativos. Não obstante, apesar da visão colonial e racista que marca de forma permanente o desempenho das elites colombianas, desde o século XIX emergem grupos de intelectuais negros que conseguiram influenciar de maneira significativa os processos de reivindicação de uma educação destinada a revitalizar as construções sociais, políticas e culturais dos afrocolombianos. A abertura à diversidade cultural da Constituição política de 1991 é lida aqui como estratégia do multiculturalismo de Estado.