Suchergebnisse

The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron's proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.

The subject of the study was the East African Commonwealth, an economic association that currently unites Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and Southern Sudan. Particular attention is paid to the integration processes in Africa in the post-colonial period, the doctrine of federalism in the political discourse of African countries, the causes of the crisis and the dissolution of the EAC in the seventies of the last century, as well as the economic and political reasons for reintegration of YOU. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the EAC from an economic alliance to a political one and the prospect of forming a federative state on the basis of the SAC. The author identifies the factors that led to the economic consolidation of the EAC, as well as those determinants of development of the commonwealth, which make it extremely difficult to form a unified federal state in East Africa. It is concluded that the further regionalization of the African continent and the realization of the federal project in East Africa will be hindered by such factors as the high level of conflict in the EAC member countries, tribalism, cultural, confessional and linguistic heterogeneity, and the ambition of leaders and political elites. ; Объектом исследования стало Восточноафриканское содружество (ВАС) — экономическая ассоциация, объединяющая в настоящее время Кению, Танзанию, Уганду, Бурунди, Руанду и Южный Судан. Особое внимание уделяется рассмотрению интеграционных процессов в регионе в постколониаль-ный период, доктрине регионализма и федерализма в политическом дискурсе этих африканских стран. Рассмотрены причины, побудившие названные страны к консолидации, факторы, обусловившие кризис и распад ВАС в семидесятые годы прошлого столетия, а также экономические и политические причины реинтеграции ВАС. Особое внимание уделяется процессу эволюции ВАС от экономического альянса к политическому объединению и перспективе формирования на его основе федеративного государства. Автор выясняет факторы, обусловившие экономическую консолидацию ВАС, а также те детерминанты развития содружества, которые крайне затрудняют образование единого федеративного государства в Восточной Африке. Сделан вывод о том, что дальнейшей регионализации африканского континента и реализации федеративного проекта в Восточной Африке будут препятствовать такие факторы, как высокий уровень конфликтности в странах-участницах ВАС, трайбализм, культурная, конфессиональная и языковая неоднородность, амбициозность лидеров и политических элит.

In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho's thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.

Секция 1. Современные международные отношения и внешняя политика Республики Беларусь ; В статье рассматривается политика «мягкой силы» Китая в странах Африки, которая осуществляется в XXI веке. Автор отразил политические взгляды КНР и африканских стран, политические, экономические и культурные интересы в рамках политики «мягкой силы», связанные со странами Африки и КНР. ; The article discusses the policy of "Soft Power" by China in Africa which is being implemented in the 21st century. The author reflected the views of both the PRC and African countries on the basis of politics, economic & cultural interests in the framework of the "Soft Power" policy associated with The PRC and Africa.

International audience ; The educational and methodological manual is devoted to the main issues of modern world politics and international relations. In particular, the main trends in the development of world politics are analyzed through the prism of the main theories of international relations, such as: political realism, liberalism, neorealism and neoliberalism, as well as constructivism and feminism. Along with this, the manual introduces the regional and global developments in the post-Soviet space, Europe, the Middle East, as well as in the Asia-Pacific, Latin American and African regions. Special emphasis is placed on the geopolitical priorities of Armenia and the South Caucasus. The course ends with lectures on the technological developments of our time, their impact on international relations, as well as models for the formation of a strategy for a secure Future. ; Учебно-методическое пособие посвящено основным проблемам современной мировой политики и международных от-ношений. В частности, главные тенденции развития мировой политики анализируются сквозь призму основных теорий между-народных отношений – таких, как: политический реализм, либерализм, неореализм и неолиберализм, а также конструктивизм и феминизм. Наряду с этим, пособие знакомит с региональными и глобальными развитиями на постсоветском пространстве, Европе, Ближнем Востоке, а также в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском, Латиноамериканском и Африканском регионах. Особый акцент ставится на геополитические приоритеты Армении и Южного Кавказа. Курс завершается лекциями, посвященными технологическим развитиям современности, их влиянию на международные отношения, а также моделям формирования стратегии безопасного Будущего.

The article provides a background analysis in connection with the visit of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S.V.Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia in March 2018. The author comes to the conclusion that one of the vectors of the Russian foreign policy is slowly shifting towards the «Black continent». Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has become a zone approaching the status of emerging market economies, in particular the BRICS, in what refers to the pace of their development, the increase of their role and influence in the world economy and politics. The old-time views about Africa being a continent of total backwardness and extreme poverty no longer correspond to reality. Today the global centers of power recognize the exclusive economic importance of the Africa. In the present century the continent will be the most dynamically developing region of the world. The character and the economic growth in the developed states, as well as the procurement of raw materials, energy resources and human capital will largely depend on the African sources. Mr. S.V.Lavrov's visit reconfirmed Russia's growing interest in Africa. It will undoubtedly give a powerful impetus to the development of Russian-African relations. Almost all African officials showed friendly attitude towards our country, many of them condemned the US hegemonistic policy in the world and in the region. At the same time, Africans still perceive Russia as a positive alternative to the West, and now also to China. Voices are heard that it is a good time for Moscow to capitalize on the paramount respect and authority that Russia acquired through its actions in the Middle East. Africans hope that Russia is ready to provide financial and military assistance on the same preferential terms, as the Soviet Union did in its time. It is necessary to clearly define short and long term priorities in Africa, to seek new forms and mechanisms for interaction, and, most importantly, to develop a new state strategy on the African direction. ; Статья посвящена визиту министра иностранных дел России СВЛаврова в Анголу, Намибию, Мозамбик, Зимбабве и Эфиопию. Автор приходит к выводу, что один из векторов российской внешней политики медленно поворачивается в сторону Черного континента. Африканские страны к югу от Сахары (АЮС) стали зоной, которая по темпам развития, росту роли и влияния в мировой экономике и политике стремительно начала приближаться к «восходящим» странам с развивающейся рыночной экономикой, в частности БРИКС. В целом, визит С.В.Лаврова, продемонстрировавший растущий интерес РФ к Африке, безусловно, придаст мощный импульс развитию российско-африканских отношений

The historical memory of the French about the collapse of the French colonial empire is controversial and situational. The apologetic version of historical memory interprets French colonialism as the civilizational mission of France on the Black Continent. This version is based on mythologemes formulated by C. de Gaulle and his associates J. Foccart, F. Houphouët-Boigny and others. This is the approach to the historical past that informs the official historical narrative and memorial policy of the Fifth Republic. To a degree, all the presidents of the French Republic from J. Chirac to E. Macron remain faithful to it. This "patriotic version" of the national history provides the ideological foundation for Champs Elysee's policies toward African nations. These policies, collectively known as "France-Afrique", represent a latent mechanism for preserving economic and political dependence of the Tropical Africa's nations on their former colonial master. An alternative version of historical memory interprets colonialism as a crime against humanity, and the African policy of the Champs Elysees as a special form of neocolonialism, designed to promote France's political and economic preferences in the countries that were formerly its colonies. This intellectual tradition is cultivated in the work of F.-X. Verschave and other researchers, members of the non-governmental organization "Survie". ; Историческая память французов о французской колониальной империи и ее распаде противоречива и ситуативна. Апологетическая версия исторической памяти трактует французский колониализм как цивилизаторскую миссию Франции на Черном континенте. В основе этой версии лежат мифологемы, сформулированные Ш. де Голлем и его сподвижниками Ж. Фоккаром, Ф. Уфуэ-Буаньи и др. Такой подход к оценке исторического прошлого влияет на официальную политику памяти Пятой республики. В той или иной степени ему сохраняют верность все президенты Французской республики от Ж. Ширака до Э. Макрона. На идеологической платформе этой «патриотической версии» национальной истории Французской Республики выстраиваются политические практики Елисейского дворца в африканских странах. Эти практики, получившие название «Франсафрик», представляют собой латентный механизм сохранения экономической и политической зависимости стран Тропической Африки от бывшей метрополии. Альтернативная версия исторической памяти трактует колониализм как преступление против человечества, а африканскую политику Елисейского дворца - как особую форму неоколониализма, призванную обеспечить политические и экономические преференции Франции в странах, бывших ранее ее колониями. Эта интеллектуальная традиция конструируется усилиями Ф.-К. Вершава и его единомышленников - исследователей, объединенных в неправительственной общественной организации «Выживание» («Survie»).

In the 1970s & 1980s, migratory flows of Portuguese & luso-Africans from old Portuguese African colonies towards to Sao Paulo were the result of the pressures of difficult & complex African & Portuguese politics. Three very different cultural experiences were in play: that of the portuguese colony, the african context, & the Brazilian character of the destination, Sao Paulo. This paper explores the migrant's complex displacement experiences, the insertion of the migrant into the new context & the conflicts of identity that this migratory process entailed. We concentrate on the recent past, which has not been extensively researched. We use a method we call 'summarized life-histories', which seemed appropriate, as we didn't know what the immigrants would tell us. We present a number of specific cases to exemplify our analysis. Through them, we can see that memories refer to events, people & places from the three continents, through the conscious & unconscious construction of multiple identities.

This article examines the roles, good & bad, played primarily by European but also other countries in the colonial & postcolonial histories of the five African countries of which Portuguese is the official language -- Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, & Sao Tome & Principe, known as PALOP (Paises Africanos de Lingua Official Portuguese). The author draws on 22 books to describe the history of the colonization of the PALOP nations & the external influences on their current politics, cultures, language, religions, & people, examining each country turn. The account of Mozambique & its province of Inhambane explains the commercial, political, & social participation of Denmark, stemming primarily from its capital, Copenhagen, in this African country's current state of being & development. Adapted from the source document.

The article examines the new realities of Russia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring" and the potential for increased Russian influence in the Maghreb. One of the consequences of the recent political upheavals in North Africa is the growth of terrorist threat – this factor draws particular attention to this region. The Maghreb is important for the promotion of Russian interests in the Arab world and the African continent. Russia and North Africa are seeking strategic cooperation, and these countries have long-term friendship and mutual interests in the political and economic spheres. Further increase of the interaction will strengthen bilateral relations, will make it easier to survive during the political and economic crisis. The article analyzes the formation, the current state and prospects of Russian-Algerian, Moroccan-Russian and Russian-Tunisian relations. Algeria is one of the leading economic partners of Russia on the African continent. The main areas of bilateral cooperation are the energy and military spheres. The growth of the terrorist threat in the Sahara-Sahel region prompted Russia and Morocco to deepen security cooperation. In the context of EU economic sanctions against Russia a priority in Russian- Tunisian and Russian-Moroccan trade relations is to enhance cooperation in the field of agriculture. Russia is a traditional exporter of Moroccan oranges and Tunisian olive oil. Promising areas of cooperation of Russia and Tunisia are the development of water resources and hydraulic engineering, infrastructure projects in the field of construction of roads, bridges, industrial facilities. Expansion of ties with the North African countries will allow Russia to increase influence in the region.

The article examines the media coverage of participation of Russian Federation in global politics, economy and social life by Africa's leading newspapers. The relevance of the study is due to the visit of the Minister for Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov to a number of African countries for the purpose of the resurrection of international relations. Articles, published between 2017 and 2018 in "Africa Confidential", "Africa Report" and "Africa Business", were selected for study. ; В статье рассматривается специфика освещения участия Российской Федерации в мировой политике, экономике и социальной сфере в ведущих средствах массовой информации Африки. Актуальность исследования обусловлена визитом министра иностранных дел Сергея Лаврова в ряд африканских стран с целью возрождения международных связей. Для рассмотрения были выбраны издания «Africa Confidential», «Africa Report» и «Africa Business», изучались публикации за период 2017-2018 гг.

INTRODUÇÃO Esta dissertação tem por objecto de estudo os efeitos dos programas de política económica e social de estabilização e de ajustamento estrutural2 no bemestar das famílias urbanas da capital de um país africano, a cidade de Bissau, na República da Guiné-Bissau, no período de 1986 a 2001. O contexto mais geral em que a investigação se insere, respeita à evolução política, económica e social do país após a independência, em 1974. A antiga Guiné Portuguesa procurou organizar a sua economia a partir de uma governação centralizada, com intervenção significativa de instituições estatais da administração central3, nacionalização de empresas existentes ou criação de outras com o mesmo estatuto. A dinamização do processo de desenvolvimento coube ao Partido para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), que dirigira a luta de libertação contra o colonialismo e se tornou o partido único e o agente principal de toda a vida colectiva, social e económica do país. Os instrumentos privilegiados foram os Planos de Desenvolvimento, apoiados em investimentos de grande dimensão e na ajuda internacional de origem em países de diferentes ideologias políticas. O enquadramento político expressou-se na organização do partido único, com uma governação que se impunha ao Governo e à Assembleia Nacional Popular, com mobilização política da população para a produção, incentivo a formas cooperativas de organização empresarial no campo e na cidade, repressão à oposição e à actividade de comerciantes e empresários privados. Os resultados negativos quanto ao objectivo traçado pelo partido e governo, de conseguir um melhor nível de bem-estar para a população, estão entre as origens de um golpe de Estado ( 14 de Novembro de 1980) liderado por uma parte dos militantes do PAIGC, sobretudo de origem guineense. O novo poder enveredou por um caminho de liberalização gradual da economia, mas também não conseguiu, até 1986, cumprir os objectivos de desenvolvimento a que se propunha. ; This research tried to clarify the effects on the households welfare of the governance on economics and social politics, specially stabilization and structural adjustment programs. Th space is one African town in Guinea-Bissau, its capital, between 1986 and 2001. Two models of knowledge as been used: - The first based on theories built by authors mainly from universities without a strong practical concern. - The second based on the urgency found when situations require answers from internationals structures public or non profit. The methodology used begins with the asset that the well been in an African society must be analyzed giving a significant weight to its different components and that this cannot be accomplished with one single area of knowledge. Authors from economics, social psychology, sociology, anthropology and politics are fundamental to understand the importance of governance on the well been of households. We conclude that the stabilization and structural adjustment programs are the cause of a clear loss of independence in this African country. To establish the relationship between the households strategies and the governance we define a typology of politics on African countries and another to the different middle time households strategies. The main nationals politics actors as the government, the parliament, the president the Courts of Justice end the international as the IMF, WB, both has a share in the process of change the country to a dependent territory in temrs of the capacity of define and conduct an economics and social policy. The households has different success strategies in economics activities specially with agriculture, non specialized work and private sector; those who preferred the commerce has dubious results; those that preferred the public administration or the public sector has the less success. We verified that governance make a direct link between the households well being and the external conditions of definition of economics and social politics. The conclusions about the households capacity of controlling the effects on the appropriation of resources of those politics based only on the consumption expenses, show us that is not enough to consider only this variable to analyze the evolution of well being. The general conclusion is that even if Guinea-Bissau has a ensemble of social groups composed with about 32 racial groups with a very rich cultural and historical life, with a victorious fight for independence, with a large support from rural population to built a country based on resources enough to feed his population without military conflicts destroying people and structures, and an evolution from a only one party to a democratic political system, the country has much difficulty to give to his citizens the level of well being they want.