Suchergebnisse

The regular army of Granada was created at the same time as the nasri state. The first monarch Ibn Yusuf ibn al- Ahmar created it. The African Marinies, of the corp called "The volunteers of the faith" formed it. At the beginning, familiars and clients of the banū Nasr and other noble families belonged to it, and the principal posts were crated after 1.246. The infantry and the cavalry were organized at this time, which took many emigrants driven out of the regions of Andalucia by the Christian Reconquest. One part of the army was permanent and received its pay, and the other was composed of recruit Mercedarian for certain expeditions. Castilian influences appear in the nasri army up to the end of the XIIIth century, in order to know the African influence. The African chiefs will take part in the politics of the State in the reign of Muhamma IV (1.325-1.333). We don't know exactly how many men the nasri army had, but one can say that Granada was the greatest military power of the Iberian Peninsula in the XIVth century. ; L'Etat nasride grenadin parallèlement à sa formation et consolidation, crée ses milices régulières. Oeuvre du premier monarque grenadin Muhammad I Ibn Yūsuf ibn al--Ahmar. Les marinies africains qui formèrent le magnifique corps "des volontaires de la foi" composent cette armée. Aux débuts, appartinrent à cette armée les parents et clients des bānu Nasr et d'autres familles nobles, et ses différentes charges se créèrent à partir de 1246, s'organisant les bataillons d'infanterie et cavalerie, que grossissaient bien des émigrants chassés des régions andalouses par la "Reconquista" chrétienne. Une partie de la milice était permanente et touchait son salaire, et l'autre était composée de mercenaires recrutés pour des expéditions données. Jusqu'au dernier quart du treizième siècle on observe des influences castillanes dans l'équipe militaire nasride qui aboutissent à sa rapide "africanisation"; les chefs africains prirent part puissamment à la politique de l'Etat, spécialement sous le royaume de Muhammad IV (1325-1333). On ne connaît pas avec certitude le nombre d'hommes de l'armée nasride, les sources arabes ne sont pas d'accord sur ce point. Dans le XIVe siècle troublé, Grenade pouvait se considérer la grande puissance militaire de la Péninsule.

Few international issues have remained unsolved for as long as those of South Africa. Exactly 20 years ago, the Government of India denounced that the domestic politics of South Africa was a matter of International Politics. And despite the good intentions and resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the South African regime remains safe from all international action. Our intention here is to explain why international efforts to overthrow white supremacy in South Africa have failed despite the policy of Apartheid being universally condemned. At the same time, we will try to look at some of the more recent events that have given rise, in general, to renewed attention to the problem of South Africa. ; Pocos problemas internacionales han permanecido tan largo tiempo sin solución como los de Sudáfrica. Hace exactamente 20 años que el Gobierno de la India advirtió que la política interna de Sudáfrica era un asunto que concernía a la política internacional. Y pese a los buenos propósitos y de las resoluciones adoptadas por las Naciones Unidas, el régimen sudafricano permanece a salvo de toda acción internacional. Nuestra intención es explicar aquí por qué los esfuerzos internacionales por derrocar la supremacía blanca en Sudáfrica han fracasado a pesar de que la política de apartheid haya sido universalmente condenada. Trataremos, al mismo tiempo, de observar con cierta perspectiva, algunos de .los más recientes acontecimientos que han dado motivo, en general, a una renovada atención sobre el problema de África del Sur. Este artículo está escrito en base a una conferencia dictada en el Salón de Honor de la Universidad de Chile, el 27 de octubre de 1966

The new Federation of the British territories of the Caribbean area will come into being in 1957, with the first federal elections under the new constítutional arrangements probably being held early in 1956. In this article Professor Lewís sets out the general background of West Indian society wíthin which the Federal Government will operate. A short inítial historical background of the federal idea is followed by .a discussion of the varied factors that make Federation a logical step for these dispersed and poverty-stricken islands. This is followed, in turn, by two larger sections, The first of these deals in detail with the general socia'! and psychological conditions of West Indian society; with sorne particular reference being paid to social attitudes of the peasant and worker in that society; the relationship between them and the elements of West Indian government; the role of color in social and individual relationships; the problem of a superimposed British culture-pattern upon a colonial people; and the kind of public policy that will have to be pursued by imaginative government if a West Indian answer 1S to be provided to the West Indian question, The second larger section analyzes the character of politics and political parties in the British Caribbean. It includes a description of the pllesent forms of constitutional and political rule in the Crown Colonysystem and an analysis of the various factors that explain the comparative imrnaturity of disciplined and principled political partíes in the region. Note is taken of the recent rise of new party organizatíons which promise to replace the old forrns with new structures and new social and economic philosophies more attuned to the rising demand for responsible self-government in the area, possibly to end in Dominion Status of the region within the Cornrnonwealth. Note is likewise taken of those aspects of the proposed Federa'! Constitution which impíge upon these aspects of West Indian government. The final and shorter section of the article deals with the growth of a Caribbean national culture and consciousness within the British area. For the development of federal self-government is only one aspect of the rise of colonial nationalism within the Caribbean; one of the problems of the federal venture, in turn, will be that of adjusting its machinery and its outlook to the demands of that nationalist spirít. In this sense, the Caribbean reflects the larger spirit of racial and nationalist self-assertiveness that is to be seen in the Asian and African continents. The article closes by drawing attention to the fact that the stubborn anglophilism of the British Caribbean, along with its nearness to the United States, suggests that the region may become an experiment in the meeting and the mixture of the old and the new worlds in the twentieth century. ; Resumen en inglés.