Suchergebnisse

This chapter expands analysis of Oakeshott's philosophical thought to apply his dual perspectives on political & social theory to African politics through a focus on the basic postulates of human relationships rather than institutions. His perception of the nature of a politics informed by tradition of behavior is a precondition, & his modal understanding of associations is an alternative view to European technical understanding of government. Oakeshott argues that political behavior reflects traditional knowledge as an exploration & pursuit of what is intimated, or hinted at, in traditions of behavior. Regarding African politics, a cultural lag exists between the political development of the state & imposed European technical understanding of politics such as the constitution & state authority. A coherent politics for Africa must rest on understanding Africa's tribal precolonial political traditions, since these traditions continue to influence politics indirectly. The African worldview of ubuntu does not fit with the modern idea of individuals & civil association (societas), but can accept governance in the form of an enterprise association (universitas) based on the principle of individual adjustment in the communal society, even at the cost of some self denial. 20 References. J. Harwell

Explores prospects for the development of working-class power in Southern Africa in light of the sustained economic crisis & the extreme unevenness of capitalist devolution. Arguments posited by the United Nations World Instit for Development Economics Research project are used to document cleavages between & within Southern Africa's working classes & state/capital alliances. It is argued that challenging neoliberalism will require going beyond defensive protest to develop a regionalism complemented by international solidarity based on the interests of working-class & poor people. The historical colonial-capitalist origins of the region, the contemporary economic crisis, & the current state of the working class are described. The domination of states/capitals by South African bureaucrats & corporations is examined, along with the potential for workers to develop a regional class consciousness. It is maintained that differing perspectives on key international economic issues have hindered formation of a unified approach to combat debilitating global economic processes. However, there are examples of strategic orientations in national labor movements that suggest unity & an avoidance of divisive tactics. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Explores prospects for the development of working-class power in Southern Africa in light of the sustained economic crisis & the extreme unevenness of capitalist devolution. Arguments posited by the United Nations World Instit for Development Economics Research project are used to document cleavages between & within Southern Africa's working classes & state/capital alliances. It is argued that challenging neoliberalism will require going beyond defensive protest to develop a regionalism complemented by international solidarity based on the interests of working-class & poor people. The historical colonial-capitalist origins of the region, the contemporary economic crisis, & the current state of the working class are described. The domination of states/capitals by South African bureaucrats & corporations is examined, along with the potential for workers to develop a regional class consciousness. It is maintained that differing perspectives on key international economic issues have hindered formation of a unified approach to combat debilitating global economic processes. However, there are examples of strategic orientations in national labor movements that suggest unity & an avoidance of divisive tactics. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Offers a historical analysis of the federal government's urban policies, particularly those enacted 1930s-1960s, to argue for their profound effect on race relations & racial equality in the US. Despite their stated intentions, such policies actually served to perpetuate racial discrimination & segregation, particularly for blacks. During the New Deal in the 1930s, Democrats strove to appeal to blacks anxious to achieve social equality & political representation; today, blacks often feel betrayed by the Democrats, & their participation in the New Deal coalition seems to have been of little long-term effect. It is argued that the failure of Democratic efforts rests on the policies of the federal government, particularly in the arenas of housing & urban development, which maintained segregation & discrimination on the basis of race in the cities, thwarting liberal promises of support for civil rights. Even after the passage of the 1968 Federal Fair Housing Act, racial segregation & discrimination remained stalwart; reasons for this lack of effectiveness are explored. It is concluded that affirmative action policies alone will be inadequate for ameliorating this situation in the future. K. H. Stewart

Domestic & international newspapers' coverage of the 1998 US Embassy bombings in Kenya & Tanzania & the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks against the US is studied to determine whether local & cultural determinants affected the media's use of news frames in reporting these events. An overview of various potential influences on media coverage of terrorist attacks, eg, whether the event affected a local/domestic or international audience, is presented. Newspaper articles published in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Nairobi News Nation, & the Dar Es Salaam Daily News that covered the 1998 & 2001 terrorist attacks were analyzed to determine the extent of coverage dedicated to each event, the location of such news stories within their respective publications, & the cultural influences upon news coverage. Several findings are presented; for instance, it is revealed that all newspapers provided greater coverage for local terrorist attacks & that the US news media generally emphasized how these events, especially the 1998 terrorist attacks, affected the US while overlooking their impact upon African politics. In fact, it is concluded that both the US & African newspapers' coverage of the aforementioned events exhibited signs of ethnocentrism. 3 Tables, 3 Figures, 21 References. J. W. Parker

Focuses on the 1997 mayoral election in Houston, TX, to explore political changes resulting from increasing diversity; disparities between Hispanic demographic numbers & political strength; & factors that impact the ability to translate electoral power into political power. It is argued that the 1997 election of Lee Brown as Houston's first African American mayor was not an indication of a successful African American-led political coalition, but rather, a reflection of Lee's ability to connect with an increasingly diverse city. An overview of Houston's ethnic history & political traditions emphasizes the city's reputation as a "consensus city" relatively free of conflict in which elites have effectively managed interethnic relations. A detailed description of the citizens' voting behavior in the 1997 election illustrates the importance of minority politics in urban elections, especially the ability of a candidate to structure campaign themes around the common interests of all minorities, instead of focusing on the specific interests of any one group. Implications of the Houston mayoral election for urban interethnic political relations are discussed. 8 Tables, 29 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on the 1997 mayoral election in Houston, TX, to explore political changes resulting from increasing diversity; disparities between Hispanic demographic numbers & political strength; & factors that impact the ability to translate electoral power into political power. It is argued that the 1997 election of Lee Brown as Houston's first African American mayor was not an indication of a successful African American-led political coalition, but rather, a reflection of Lee's ability to connect with an increasingly diverse city. An overview of Houston's ethnic history & political traditions emphasizes the city's reputation as a "consensus city" relatively free of conflict in which elites have effectively managed interethnic relations. A detailed description of the citizens' voting behavior in the 1997 election illustrates the importance of minority politics in urban elections, especially the ability of a candidate to structure campaign themes around the common interests of all minorities, instead of focusing on the specific interests of any one group. Implications of the Houston mayoral election for urban interethnic political relations are discussed. 8 Tables, 29 References. J. Lindroth

An in-depth study of 10 churches in African American neighborhoods of North Philadelphia examines the use of either church-based community organizing or a "traditional" (entrepreneurial leveraging) approach to enhance community economic development. In spite of sharing the same time, space, ideology, & social history, five clergy elected to improve the quality of life in their neighborhoods by joining a broader group that challenged the system, while the other five chose to work within the system by accessing the existing power structure to gather resources. The community-organizing approach emphasizes shared leadership, broad parameters, the use of power to produce change, & political change. With the traditional approach, leadership rests almost totally with the pastor; the project's parameters are narrower; & political change is not a goal. Although the 10 projects were similar physically, significant differences in conceptualization & action corresponded with the two different strategies. It is shown that the pastor's personal history, as well as the context created by subcultures within their congregations, affects the social theology that determines which strategy is chosen. J. Lindroth

An examination of the political roles played by African American clergy since emancipation emphasizes the importance of historical context & specific social circumstances. Political choices made by African American clergy have varied according to immediate need & the national mood, & have evolved through theocratic, prophetic, electoral, & ecumenical stages. Sanctuary & survival were black clergy's main tasks during the decades of Jim Crow segregation but they later assumed a prophetic posture by pursuing justice through the transformation of a nation. African American clergy became increasingly involved in electoral politics after the civil rights movement of the 1950s-1960s, as evidenced by the key role of churches in Rev. Jesse Jackson's presidential campaign. A primary task of the Theological Commission of the National Conference of Black Churchmen was to formulate a black liberation theology that would unite the entire black nation. Although it fell short of its ecumenical goal, it inspired cooperative, interdenominational activism in many communities. Future prospects for the political activism of African American clergy are discussed. J. Lindroth

An examination of the political roles played by African American clergy since emancipation emphasizes the importance of historical context & specific social circumstances. Political choices made by African American clergy have varied according to immediate need & the national mood, & have evolved through theocratic, prophetic, electoral, & ecumenical stages. Sanctuary & survival were black clergy's main tasks during the decades of Jim Crow segregation but they later assumed a prophetic posture by pursuing justice through the transformation of a nation. African American clergy became increasingly involved in electoral politics after the civil rights movement of the 1950s-1960s, as evidenced by the key role of churches in Rev. Jesse Jackson's presidential campaign. A primary task of the Theological Commission of the National Conference of Black Churchmen was to formulate a black liberation theology that would unite the entire black nation. Although it fell short of its ecumenical goal, it inspired cooperative, interdenominational activism in many communities. Future prospects for the political activism of African American clergy are discussed. J. Lindroth

An in-depth study of 10 churches in African American neighborhoods of North Philadelphia examines the use of either church-based community organizing or a "traditional" (entrepreneurial leveraging) approach to enhance community economic development. In spite of sharing the same time, space, ideology, & social history, five clergy elected to improve the quality of life in their neighborhoods by joining a broader group that challenged the system, while the other five chose to work within the system by accessing the existing power structure to gather resources. The community-organizing approach emphasizes shared leadership, broad parameters, the use of power to produce change, & political change. With the traditional approach, leadership rests almost totally with the pastor; the project's parameters are narrower; & political change is not a goal. Although the 10 projects were similar physically, significant differences in conceptualization & action corresponded with the two different strategies. It is shown that the pastor's personal history, as well as the context created by subcultures within their congregations, affects the social theology that determines which strategy is chosen. J. Lindroth

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Issues of race, class, & gender are investigated in the context of a historical review of the ascent of African-American presence on the Richmond, VA, city council in the 1970s, & its subsequent decline in the 1980 & 1990s. The rise to political prominence of a middle-class black elite, which caused significant class & gender cleavages within the black community, is traced. It is suggested that tensions over these cleavages came to a head in the 1982 city council race in which white conservative elites capitalized on cleavages within the black community by supporting conservative male members of the black elite. The career of Willie Dell, a black female council member who lost in the 1982 election, is offered as a metaphor for the class, gender, & racial divisions that led to the decline of the black majority on the council. It is suggested that the result of this process has been the suppression of black women's voices. 22 References. D. M. Smith

The extent of political corruption within sub-Saharan neopatrimonial states during the late 20th century is investigated. An overview of the causes, techniques, & effects of neopatrimonial corruption is presented. Although African nations have become economically liberalized & democratized, it is contended that incident rates of political corruption have not decreased. Rather, corrupt actions by public officials have actually increased. Moreover, African politics have become more criminalized since the early 1980s. Regional & international reactions to the increase of politically corrupt acts in sub-Saharan African are discussed. It is concluded that struggles against corruption will not succeed in such criminalized political systems; in addition, it is maintained that political corruption constitutes a repudiation of democratic processes. 101 References. J. W. Parker