Suchergebnisse

Abstract Background Biobanks are precariously situated at the intersection of science, genetics, genomics, society, ethics, the law and politics. This multi-disciplinarity has given rise to a new discourse in health research involving diverse stakeholders. Each stakeholder is embedded in a unique context and articulates his/her biobanking activities differently. To researchers, biobanks carry enormous transformative potential in terms of advancing scientific discovery and knowledge. However, in the context of power asymmetries in Africa and a distrust in science born out of historical exploitation, researchers must balance the scientific imperative of collecting, storing and sharing high quality biological samples with obligations to donors/participants, communities, international collaborators, regulatory and ethics authorities. To date, researcher perspectives on biobanking in South Africa have not been explored and documented. Methods In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 21 researchers – 8 in the Western Cape, 3 in Gauteng and 10 in Kwa-Zulu Natal. Interviews lasted approximately 40–60 min and were audiotaped with consent. Thematic analysis of the transcribed interviews was conducted by the co-authors. Results Researchers articulated serious concerns over standardised regulatory approaches that failed to consider the heterogeneity of biobanks. Given that biobanks differ considerably, guidelines and RECs need to stratify risk accordingly and governance processes and structures must be flexible. While RECs were regarded as an important component of the governance structure researchers expressed concern about their expertise in biobanking. Operational management of biobanks was regarded as an ethical imperative and a pre-requisite to building trust during consent processes. While broad general consent was preferred, tiered consent was thought to be more consistent with respect for autonomy and building trust. Material Transfer Agreements (MTAs) were often lacking when biosamples were exported and this was perceived to impact negatively on trust. On the other hand, researchers believed that authentic community engagement would help to build trust. Conclusion Building trust will best be achieved via a system of governance structures and processes that precede the establishment of a biobank and monitor progress from the point of sample collection through to future use, including export. Such governance structures must be robust and must include comprehensive national legislation, policy and contextualised guidelines. Currently such governance infrastructure appears to be lacking in many African countries including South Africa. Capacity development of all .

Front Matter /Umar Ryad -- The Hajj and Europe in the Pre-Colonial and Colonial Age /Umar Ryad -- "Killed the Pilgrims and Persecuted Them": Portuguese Estado da India's Encounters with the Hajj in the Sixteenth Century /Mahmood Kooria -- "The Infidel Piloting the True Believer": Thomas Cook and the Business of the Colonial Hajj /Michael Christopher Low -- British Colonial Knowledge and the Hajj in the Age of Empire /John Slight -- French Policy and the Hajj in Late-Nineteenth-Century Algeria: Governor Cambon's Reform Attempts and Jules Gervais-Courtellemont's Pilgrimage to Mecca /Aldo D'Agostini -- Heinrich Freiherr von Maltzan's "My Pilgrimage to Mecca": A Critical Investigation /Ulrike Freitag -- Polish Connections to the Hajj between Mystical Experience, Imaginary Travelogues, and Actual Reality /Bogusław R. Zagórski -- On his Donkey to the Mountain of ʿArafāt: Dr. Van der Hoog and his Hajj Journey to Mecca /Umar Ryad -- "I Have To Disguise Myself": Orientalism, Gyula Germanus, and Pilgrimage as Cultural Capital, 1935–1965 /Adam Mestyan -- The Franco North African Pilgrims after WWII: The Hajj through the Eyes of a Spanish Colonial Officer (1949) /Josep Lluís Mateo Dieste -- Index /Umar Ryad. ; The present volume focuses on the political perceptions of the Hajj, its global religious appeal to Muslims, and the European struggle for influence and supremacy in the Muslim world in the age of pre-colonial and colonial empires. In the late fifteenth century and early sixteenth century, a pivotal change in seafaring occurred, through which western Europeans played important roles in politics, trade, and culture. Viewing this age of empires through the lens of the Hajj puts it into a different perspective, by focusing on how increasing European dominance of the globe in pre-colonial and colonial times was entangled with Muslim religious action, mobility, and agency. The study of Europe's connections with the Hajj therefore tests the hypothesis that the concept of agency is not limited to isolated parts of the globe. By adopting the "tools of empires," the Hajj, in itself a global activity, would become part of global and trans-cultural history. With contributions by: Aldo D'Agostini; Josep Lluís Mateo Dieste; Ulrike Freitag; Mahmood Kooria; Michael Christopher Low; Adam Mestyan; Umar Ryad; John Slight and Bogusław R. Zagórski ; edited by Umar Ryad

Автор монографии, профессор политических наук Института Африки РАН О. Иго Натуфе, являющийся специалистом по советской и российской внешней политике, получил образование в РУДН, а также в университетах Карлтона и Макгилла (Канада), где получил степень доктора. Помимо научной деятельности он преподавал политические науки и международные отношения в университетах Канады, Ганы и Нигерии. В книге на основании документальных данных, обширной литературы как российских, так и зарубежных авторов, исследована дипломатия СССР и России с 1980-х гг. XX в. Автором убедительно обоснованы хронологические рамки исследования. Нижнюю хронологическую веху 1985 г. действительно можно назвать важным рубежом в истории современной России. Именно в этом году произошли события, внесшие серьезные коррективы во внутреннюю и внешнюю стратегию Москвы, в том числе и в ее внешнюю политику. Представленная научная работа демонстрирует высокую квалификацию ученого, способного на качественном теоретическом уровне анализировать серьезные научные проблемы. В своей монографии автор обращается к анализу геополитических и геоэкономических процессов, происходящих на пространстве СНГ, возникшем после распада в декабре 1991 г. такого крупного субъекта мировой политики, как СССР. ; The author of the monograph, Professor of Political Science of the Institute of African Studies O. Igo Natufe, is a specialist in Soviet and Russian foreign policy. He was educated at the Peoples'' Friendship University, as well as at Carleton and McGill Universities (Canada), where he received a doctorate. In addition to the scientific work, he taught political science and international relations at universities in Canada, Ghana and Nigeria. His book is based on documentary evidence, on the vast literature of both Russian and foreign authors about Russian diplomacy since the 1980s. The author convincingly proved the chronological framework of the study. Lower chronological milestone 1985 can truly be called an important milestone in the history of modern Russia. That was the year the event took place, which have made major adjustments to the internal and external strategy of Moscow, including its foreign policy. The presented research work demonstrates the highly quality of the researcher, analyzing the qualitative theoretical level serious scientific problems. In his monograph, the author refers to the analysis of geopolitical and geo-economic processes taking place in the CIS which has arisen after the collapse in December 1991 of a major actor in world politics, as the USSR.

Literature of Diminishment redefines regionalism as a philosophical approach that prefers a partial view of oneself and of others, whether human or nonhuman, rather than the comprehensive view pursued by nineteenth-century science. I show how American regionalist writings from the 1820s to 1910s adapt scientific techniques of observation to the aesthetics of the regionalist sketch. Their "sketchy" view of Nature highlights the deficiencies of knowing and nonetheless opens out to a view of biological processes and succession in which life cedes to life through its casualties. Regionalist literature is, then, less a literature of particular cultural or geographical regions as it is a literature whose principles of diminishment might insist on the roughness and limits of a regional setting. The archive of works I draw upon extends from environmental literature—the nature writings of John James Audubon, Henry David Thoreau, and Celia Thaxter—to less conventionally regionalist texts of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries such as works by Emily Dickinson, Herman Melville, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Gertrude Stein.In regionalist formulations, diminishment is a mode of seeing that relies on imprecise and partial specifications rather than strict definitions. Understanding art and science as approaches that both connote ways of seeing and being in the world, I show how writers like Thoreau, Dickinson, Melville, Thaxter, and Sarah Orne Jewett experiment with partial ways of seeing through concomitantly aesthetic and scientific uses of views, optics, and visual technology. Setting the frame with Thoreau's vista from the eroding shores of Cape Cod, I consider how these writers' engagement with natural history's empirical methods attends to their own perceptual diminishment, and also, critically, to the diminishment of their object of study—Nature, or, more generally, life. The final chapters examine the practice and politics of seeing human races as "species," that is, as part of nature, through what I consider "snapshots" of black workers. Du Bois's and Stein's literary-photographic studies view and review the racialist natural history that pictures African-Americans, as Du Bois writes, "somewhere between men and cattle." Regionalism, I argue, instead affords the succession of life through diminishment, rather than a reduction of life to units of data.

Infrastructure and development seem to go together. However, these two notions challenge a fundamental problem, linked to land management, which must necessarily take into account some of their important impacts on cultural heritage and the environment. The majority of African countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, are facing rapid changes in their major cities-an evolution sometimes anarchic. The city of Dakar, established during the colonial period, is a case in point with its deficiencies in terms of mobility increased by pressure on available land. To mitigate or relieve this situation of asphyxia within the city of Dakar, the State of Senegal decided to develop an economic zone not far from the capital as well as heavy transport infrastructure such as the Dakar-Diamniadio turnpike. This thesis examines both different modes of governance and the trajectories of transport infrastructure, particularly roads, in Senegal. In so doing, it examines the hybridization of land development and the politics of heritage in the broadest sense of the term. Moreover, this thesis analyzes the different social processes related to the construction and then the commission of this new technical object. ; Infrastructures et développement semblent aller de pair. Ces deux notions interpellent cependant une problématique de fond, liée à l'aménagement du territoire, qui devra nécessairement prendre en compte certains aspects notamment patrimoniaux et environnementaux du fait de leur importance. La majeure partie des pays africains notamment en Afrique subsaharienne, est confrontée à l'évolution rapide de ses villes principales. Une évolution quelques fois anarchique. La ville de Dakar, héritée de la période coloniale, s'inscrit dans ce registre, avec des carences en termes de mobilité, accrues par la pression foncière. Pour atténuer, voire mettre fin à cette situation d'asphyxie, l'État du Sénégal a décidé de désengorger la ville de Dakar, par la création d'une plateforme économique à quelques encablures de la capitale, mais aussi d'infrastructures lourdes de transport dont l'autoroute à péage Dakar-Diamniadio. Cette thèse, analyse à la fois les différents modes de gouvernance mais aussi les trajectoires des infrastructures de transport, notamment routières au Sénégal. Elle évoque en outre l'hybridation de l'aménagement du territoire et de la politique patrimoniale, au sens large du terme. Par ailleurs, cette thèse analyse les différentes socialisations liées à la mise en place et ensuite à la mise en service de ce nouvel objet technique.

AbstractThis article asks whether locality and the varied resources, networks and racialized histories of local actors make a difference in the experience of immigrants and their transnational practices. Such questions are typically explored in metropolitan centers and global cities, but the present work results from an ethnographic study of a previously all‐white rural Illinois town, where the meat processing industry recruited a labor force translocally among Latin Americans and West Africans. The article reports on the experience of this rapidly diversifying town where both formal politics and the liberal‐democratic channels of citizens' participation in governance remain exclusionary. Despite this, the diverse immigrant populations have achieved a certain inclusion in public institutions and public spaces. Paying attention to the dynamics developing across immigrant groups through everyday spaces of interaction within their residential community, I argue that the kinds of mediating spaces local context offers are critical to the ability of diverse immigrant groups to renegotiate the interracial social and spatial relations they encounter in a highly contested and constrained context where a global corporation is the sole local employer.RésuméCet article s'interroge sur le fait que la nature locale et la diversité des ressources, réseaux et histoires racialisées des acteurs locaux puissent différencier l'expérience des immigrants et leurs pratiques transnationales. Généralement, ces questions portent sur des centres métropolitains ou des villes mondiales, mais ce travail s'appuie sur l'étude ethnographique d'une ville rurale de l'Illinois dont la population était auparavant entièrement blanche et où le secteur de la transformation de viande a choisi un recrutement translocal de main‐d'œuvre latino‐américaine et ouest‐africaine. L'expérience de cette ville qui a connu une rapide diversification montre que les politiques officielles, de même que les canaux libéral‐démocrates de participation citoyenne à la gouvernance, entretiennent l'exclusion. Les diverses populations immigrantes sont néanmoins parvenues à une certaine inclusion dans les institutions et les espaces publics. En étudiant les dynamiques qui se créent entre les groupes d'immigrants grâce aux espaces d'interaction quotidiens de leur communauté d'habitation, on peut avancer que les types d'espaces de médiation qu'offre le contexte local sont indispensables pour que des groupes d'immigrants différents puissent renégocier les relations sociales et spatiales interraciales propres à un cadre disputé et contraint où le seul employeur local est une entreprise mondialisée.

This paper aims at exploring the ambivalence of Ngugi's cultural discourse in Moving the Centre. The major assumption held in this paper is that Ngugi's Universalist rhetoric is in stark opposition with his nativist discourse, with its Afrocentric undertones. Most of Ngugi's essays betray a cultural essentialism, first evidenced in his Manichean rhetoric. As will be demonstrated, Ngugi ' s collection of essays falls within the range of post-colonial counter hegemonic discourse, and bears the stamp of a strong cultural resistance.Ngugi's ambivalent discourse resides in his advocacy of cultural globalism together with his defence of cultural politics exclusively Pan-African and Third worldist. Another contention held in this paper is that despite the fact that Ngugi preaches cultural dialogue, he does not attempt to promote cross-cultural understanding, since he insists on cultural separatism, between the First and the Third World, and along class lines. Ngugi's multiculturalist agenda, being discriminatory, is henceforth, contradictory with the logic of a Universalist discourse. Cross-cultural understanding can only be promoted through a global dialogical intercultural approach. ; Este artículo pretende explorar la ambivalencia del discurso cultural de Moving the Centre, de Ngugi. La principal propuesta que mantengo aquí es que la retórica universalista de Ngugi se opone frontalmente al discurso nativista, con su trasfondo afrocéntrico. La mayoría de los ensayos de Ngugi traicionan el esencialismo cultural, que queda manifiesto en su retórica maniquea. Como se pretende demostrar, esta colección de ensayos entra en el ámbito del discurso postcolonial contrahegemónico y lleva el sello de una fuerte resistencia cultural.El discuso ambivalente de Ngugi radica en su defensa del globalismo cultural además de su defensa de la política cultural exclusivamente pan-africana y tercermundista. Otra idea que se sostiene en este artículo es que a pesar de que Ngugi predica a favor del diálogo cultural, no intenta fomentar el entendimiento intercultural, puesto que insiste en la separación cultural entre el Primer y el Tercer Mundo, además de las distinciones de clases. La agenda cultural de Ngugi, además de ser discriminatoria, es, por lo tanto, contradictoria con la lógica de un discurso universalista. El entendimiento intercultural tan solo se puede potenciar con un enfoque intercultural dialógico global.

Gaze Regimes is a bricolage of essays and interviews showcasing the experiences of women working in film, either directly as practitioners or in other areas such as curators, festival programme directors or fundraisers. It does not shy away from questioning the relations of power in the practice of filmmaking and the power invested in the gaze itself. Who is looking and who is being looked at, who is telling women's stories in Africa and what governs the mechanics of making those films on the continent? The interviews with film practitioners such as Tsitsi Dangarembga, Taghreed Elsanhouri, Jihan El-Tahri, Anita Khanna, Isabel Noronhe, Arya Lalloo and Shannon Walsh demonstrate the contradictory points of departure of women in film – from their understanding of feminisms in relation to lived-experiences and the realpolitik of women working as cultural practitioners. ; Katharina von Ruckteschell: Foreword Jyoti Mistry and Antje Schuhmann: Introduction: By Way of Context and Content Beti Ellerson: African Women in Cinema: An overview Ines Kappert: 'I am a feminist only in secret'. Interview with Taghreed Elsanhouri and Christina von Braun Christina von Braun: Staged Authenticity: Femininity in photography and film Jyoti Mistry and Antje Schuhmann: 'Power is in your own hands': Why Jihan El-Tahri does not like movements. Interview with Jihan El-Tahri Antje Schuhmann and Jyoti Mistry: Aftermath – A focus on collective trauma. Interview with Djo Tunda wa Munga and Rumbi Katedza Antje Schuhmann: Shooting Violence and Trauma: Traversing visual and social topographies in Zanele Muholi's work Antje Schuhmann and Jyoti Mistry: PUK NINI – A Filmic Instruction in Seduction: Exploring class and sexuality in gender relations Nobunye Levin: I am Saartjie Baartman Jyoti Mistry: Filmmaking at the Margins of a Community: On co-producing ELELWANI Jyoti Mistry: On Collective Practice and Collected Reflections. Interview with Shannon Walsh and Arya Lalloo Max Annas and Henriette Gunkel: 'Cinema of resistance'. Interview with Isabel Noronha Anita Khanna: Dark and Personal Antje Schuhmann and Jyoti Mistry: 'Change? This might mean to shove a few men out'. Interview with Anita Khanna Katarina Hedrén: Barakat! means Enough! Jyoti Mistry and Antje Schuhmann: 'Women, use the gaze to change reality'. Interview with Katarina Hedrén Dorothee Wenner: Post-colonial Film Collaboration and Festival Politics Jyoti Mistry and Antje Schuhmann: Tsitsi Dangarembga: A Manifesto. Interview with Tsitsi Dangarembga

M. P. Cowen and R. W. Shenton, Doctrines of DevelopmentPeter W. Preston, Development Theory: An IntroductionJohn Brohman, Popular Development: Rethinking the Theory and Practice of DevelopmentStuart Corbridge (ed.), Development Studies: A Reader Development and Social Diversity—Development in Practice Readers Peter Willets (ed.), The Conscience of the World. The Influence of Non‐Governmental Organisations in the UN SystemPatricia L. McCarney (ed.), Cities and Governance: New Directions in Latin America, Asia and AfricaRobin Luckham and Gordon White (eds), Democratization in the South: The Jagged WaveKunibert Raffer and Hans W. Singer, The Foreign Aid Business: Economic Assistance and Development Co‐operationWilliam Ryrie, First World, Third WorldRobert Z. Lawrence, Regionalism, Multilateralism, and Deeper IntegrationRobert Z. Lawrence, Albert Bressand and Takatoshi Ito, A Vision for the World Economy: Openness, Diversity, and CohesionJan Joost Teunissen (ed.), Regionalism and the Global Economy. The Case of AfricaLennart Petersson (ed.), Post‐Apartheid Southern Africa: Economic Challenges and Policies for the FutureBen Fine and Zavareh Rustomjee, The Political Economy of South Africa: From Minerals‐Energy Complex to IndustrialisationOwen Crankshaw, Race, Class and the Changing Division of Labour under ApartheidFinn Tarp and Peter Brixen, The South African Economy: Macroeconomic Prospects for the Medium TermDeborah F. Bryceson (ed.), Women Wielding the Hoe: Lessons from Rural Africa for Feminist Theory and Development PracticeLeif Manger with Hassan Abd el Ati, Sharif Harir, Knut Krzywinski, Ole R. Vetaas, Survival on Meagre Resources. Hadendowa Pastoralism in the Red Sea HillsEmmanuel Manzungu and Pieter van der Zaag (eds), The Practice of Smallholder Irrigation. Case Studies from ZimbabweMargaret Hall and Tom Young, Confronting Leviathan. Mozambique since IndependenceDavid Murray, Angels and Devils. Thai Politics from February 1991 to September 1992—A Struggle for Democracy?Alan R. Kluver, Legitimating the Chinese Economic Reforms: A Rhetoric of Myth and OrthodoxyWalter Hatch and Kozo Yamamura, Asia in Japan's Embrace. Building a Regional Production AllianceAlbert Berry (ed.), Poverty, Economic Reform and Income Distribution in Latin AmericaPieter de Vries, Unruly Clients in the Atlantic Zone of Costa Rica: A Study of How Bureaucrats Try and Fail to Transform Gatekeepers, Communists and Preachers into Ideal BeneficiariesChristine Barrow, The Family in the Caribbean: Themes and PerspectivesBarbara Harriss‐White, A Political Economy of Agricultural Markets in South India. Masters of the CountrysideJean Drèze and Amartya Sen, India. Economic Development and Social Opportunity

David C. Korten, When Corporations Rule the WorldNagesh Kumar, Multinational Enterprises and Industrial Organisation: The Case of IndiaAmiya Kumar Bagchi (ed.), New Technology and the Workers' Response: Microelectronics, Labour and SocietyRichard Heeks, Prabhakara Bhatt, Mozammel Huq, Chris Lewis and Ahmed Shibli (eds), Technology and Developing Countries. Practical Applications, Theoretical IssuesA. Pio (ed.), From Adjustment to Long‐Run Growth. The Role of Human Capital and the Informal SectorSonia Corrêa with Rebecca Reichmann, Population and Reproductive Rights: Feminist Perspectives from the SouthGita Sen, Adrienne Germain and Lincoln Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered. Health, Empowerment and RightsMarian A. L. Miller, The Third World in Global Environmental PoliticsThaddeus C. Trzyna (ed.), A Sustainable World. Defining and Measuring Sustainable DevelopmentMadhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, Ecology and Equity: The Use and Abuse of Nature in Contemporary IndiaMelissa Leach, Rainforest Relations. Gender and Resource Use among the Mende of Gola, Sierra LeoneAkhileshwar Pathak, Contested Domains—The State, Peasants and Forests in Contemporary IndiaJohn Martinusson, Democracy, Competition and Choice: Emerging Local Self‐Government in NepalMyo Thant, Min Tang and Hiroshi Kakazu (eds), Growth Triangles in Asia: A New Approach to Regional Economic CooperationW. G. Huff, The Economic Growth of Singapore: Trade and Development in the Twentieth CenturyK. S. Jomo, U‐Turn? Malaysian Economic Development Policies after 1990E. T. Gomez, Political Business: Corporate Involvement of Malaysian Political PartiesAdam Fforde and Stefan de Vylder (eds), From Plan to Market: The Economic Transition in VietnamKathleen Barry (ed.), Vietnam's Women in TransitionMichael R. DiGregorio, Urban Harvest: Recycling as a Peasant Industry in Northern VietnamElisabeth Croll, From Heaven to Earth: Images and Experiences of Development in ChinaPer Pinstrup‐Andersen (ed.), The Political Economy of Food and Nutrition PoliciesJames Morton, The Poverty of Nations: The Aid Dilemma at the Heart of AfricaJohn Sorenson (ed.), Disaster and Development in the Horn of AfricaAndargachew Tiruneh, The Ethiopian Revolution 1974–1987. A Transformation from an Aristocratic to a Totalitarian AutocracyGerard Prunier, The Rwanda Crisis; History of a Genocide 1959–1994Tor Skalnes, The Politics of Economic Reform in Zimbabwe. Continuity and Change in DevelopmentEsbern Friis‐Hansen, Seeds for African Peasants: Peasants' Needs and Agricultural Research: The Case of ZimbabweMax Spoor, The State and Domestic Agricultural Markets in Nicaragua. From Interventionism to Neo‐LiberalismLúcio Kowarick (ed.), Social Struggles and the City: The Case of Sāo PauloSEADE Foundation, Survey of Living Conditions in the Metropolitan Area of Sāo Paulo

Book reviewed in this article:T.L. Maliyamkono and M.S.D. Bagachwa, The Second Economy in Tanzania.Paul van Gelder and Joep Bijlmer (eds). About Fringes, Margins and Lucky Dips. The Informal Sector in Third World Countries; Recent Developments in Research and Policy.Wil Pansters and Arij Ouweneel (eds), Region, State and Capitalism in Mexico, Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries.Terry Cannon and Alan Jenkins (eds), The Geography of Contemporary China: The Impact of Deng Xiaoping's Decade.Suh Jang‐Won (ed.), Strategies for Industrial Development: Concept and Policy Issues.Bruce McKern and Praipol Koomsup (eds), The Minerals of ASEAN and Australia: Problems and Prospects.Deborah Lynn Bleviss and Vanessa Lide (eds), Energy Efficiency Strategies for Thailand. The Needs and the Benefits. Report of a conference 4–6 March 1988, Pattaya, Thailand.Maureen Mackintosh, Gender, Class and Rural Transition. Agribusiness and the Food Crisis in Senegal.Anders Hjort af Ornäs and M.A. Mohamed Salih (eds), Ecology and Politics: Environment Stress and Security in Africa.Alvin Y. So, Social Change and Development: Modernization, Dependency and World System Theories.Terry Boswell (ed.). Revolution in the World System.Thierry G. Verhelsl (trans. Bob Cumming), No Life Without Roots: Culture and Development.Howard Johnson (ed.). After the Crossing. Immigrants and Minorities in Caribbean Creole Society.Frank Furedi, The Mau Mau War in Perspective.Robert B. Edgerton, Mau Mau: An African Crucible.Edmond J. Keller, Revolutionary Ethiopia: From Empire to People's Republic.Dawit Wolde Giorgis, Red Tears: War, Famine and Revolution in Ethiopia.Andrew Finkel and Nukhet Sirman (eds), Turkish State, Turkish Society.David Dewar and Vanessa Watson, Urban Markets. Developing Informal Retailing.Josephine Smart, The Political Economy of Street Hawkers in Hong Kong.Charles Cooper and Raphael Kaplinsky (eds), Technology and Development In the Third Industrial Revolution.Patrice J.H. Riemens, On the Foreign Operations of Third World Firms.M. Dutta, Chan Pei‐Kang and Lin Shao‐Kung (eds). Research in Asian Economic Studies, Vol. 2, 1990: China's Modernization and Open Economic Policy.C. Gwin and R. Keinberg et al., Pulling Together: The International Monetary Fund in a Multipolar World. Overseas Development Council US‐Third World Policy Perspectives, No. 13.Malcolm Wallis, Bureaucracy. Its Role in Third World Development.Peter H. Koehn, Public Policy and Administration in Africa: Lessons from Nigeria.John A. Dixon, David E. James and Paul B. Sherman, The Economics of Dryland Management.John A. Dixon, David E. James and Paul B. Sherman (eds), Dryland Management: Economic Case Studies.

Book reviewed in this article:'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: Carl Henry Feuer, Jamaica and the Sugar Worker Cooperatives: The Politics of Reform. Boulder'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: Monica Frölander‐Ulf and Frank Lindenfeld, A New Earth: The Jamaican Sugar Workers' Cooperatives, 1975–1981.'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: D. C. M. Piatt and Guido di Telia (eds), Argentina, Australia and Canada. Studies in Comparative Development, 1870–1965.'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: Charles Edquist, Capitalism, Socialism and Technology: A Comparative Study of Cuba and Jamaica.'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: Merle Lipton, Capitalism and Apartheid: South Africa 1910–84.'DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM' ON THE PLANTATIONS? THE JAMAICAN SUGAR WORKERS' COOPERATIVES: Dale Johnson (ed.) Middle Class in Dependent Countries.Liberal Hopes: John W. Sewell, R. E. Feinberg and V. Kallab (eds), U. S. Foreign Policy and the Third World: Agenda 1985–1986. US‐Third World Policy Perspectives No. 3. Washington DC: Overseas Development Council;Liberal Hopes: A. Gauhar (ed.), Regional Integration: The Latin American Experience.Liberal Hopes: Theodore Panayotou (ed.), Food Policy Analysis in Thailand.Liberal Hopes: J. G. M. Hilhorst and M. Klatter (eds), Social Development in the Third World Level of Living Indicators and Social Planning.Liberal Hopes: R. L. Harris and C. M. Vilas (eds), Nicaragua: A Revolution under Siege.Liberal Hopes: Kwame Arhin, Paul Hesp and Laurens van der Laan (eds), Marketing Boards in Tropical Africa. Monographs from the Africa Studies Centre, Leiden.Liberal Hopes: Alan Gilbert and Peter M. Ward, Housing, the State and the Poor. Policy and Practice in Three Latin American Cities.Liberal Hopes: John Rogge, Too Many, Too Long: Sudan's Twenty‐Year Refugee Dilemma.Liberal Hopes: Robert Cassen (ed.), Soviet Interests in the Third World London: Royal Institute of International Affairs;Liberal Hopes: Raymond Goodman, Charles Lepani and David Morawetz, The Economy of Papua New Guinea. An Independent Review.Liberal Hopes: Allan G. Hill (ed.), Papulation, Health and Nutrition in the SaheL Issues in the Welfare of Selected West African Communities. London, Boston, Melbourne and Henley: Kegan Paul International, 1985. xxiv + 400 pp. Paperback. N. p.

Hamas's attack into Israel and massacre of Israelis, followed by Israel's war of obliteration on Gaza backed by the United States, is a political earthquake in the Middle East. Its tremors are shaking up the politics of the Horn of Africa, bringing down an already tottering peace and security architecture. It's too early to discern the shape of the rubble, but we can already see the direction in which some of the pillars will fall.The most obvious impact is that the Israel-Palestine war has legitimized and invigorated protest across the wider region. Hamas showed that Israel was not invincible, and Palestine would no longer be invisible. Many in the Arab street — and Muslims more widely — are ready to overlook Hamas's atrocious record as a public authority and its embrace of terror, because it dared stand up to Israel, America, and Europe.Hamas's boldness has given a shot in the arm to Islamists, such as Somalia's al-Shabaab. As the African Union peacekeeping operation in Somalia draws down, al-Shabaab remains a threat— and will likely be emboldened to intensify its operations both in Somalia and neighboring Kenya.Kenyan President William Ruto gave strong backing to Israel while also calling for a ceasefire. For the U.S. and Europe, Kenya is now the anchor state for security in the Horn — but it desperately needs financial aid if it is to shoulder that burden.The war is consuming Egyptian attention and terrifies President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who is treading a fine line between sponsoring pro-Palestinian protests and suppressing them.Red Sea SecurityThe Red Sea is strategic for Israel. One quarter of Israel's maritime trade is handled in its port of Eilat on the Gulf of Aqaba, an inlet of the Red Sea. Eilat is Israel's back door, vital in case the Mediterranean coast is under threat. Israel has long seen the littoral countries of the Red Sea — Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia — as pieces in the jigsaw of its extended security frontier.Historically, Egypt has shared the same concern. Last year, revenues from the Suez Canal were $9.4 billion— its third largest foreign currency earner after remittances from Egyptians working in the Gulf States and tourism. Neither Israel nor Egypt can afford a disruption to maritime security from Suez and Eilat to the Gulf of Aden.The Red Sea is also the buckle on China's Belt and Road Initiative, with China's first overseas military base — strictly speaking a "facility" — in the port of Djibouti near the Bab al-Mandab, the narrow straits between the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. More than 10 percent of world maritime trade is carried on 25,000 ships through these straits every year.Having long neglected its Red Sea coastline, Saudi Arabia has reawakened to its significance in the last decade. In the 1980s, amid fears that Iran might block tanker traffic through the Persian Gulf, Saudi Arabia built an east-west pipeline from the Aqaig oil fields to the Red Sea port of Yanbu al Bahr. Its strategic significance is back in focus.In parallel, the United Arab Emirates is well on track to securing a monopoly over the ports of the Gulf of Aden, which forms the eastern approaches to the Red Sea. It has de facto annexed the Yemeni island of Socotra for a naval base. The UAE is looking for a foothold in the Red Sea proper, and a string of satellite states on the African shore.All these factors intensify the scramble for securing naval bases in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. Djibouti is already host to the U.S.'s Camp Lemonnier along with French, Italian, Japanese, and Chinese facilities. Turkey and Russia are actively seeking bases too, focusing on Port Sudan and Eritrea's long coastline.Empowered Gulf StatesWell before the recent crisis, the Horn of Africa was becoming dominated by Middle Eastern powers. This process is now intensified. Decades of competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran for alignment of Sudan and Eritrea has swung different ways. Sudan's General Abdel Fattah al-B­­urhan, formerly political partner of Benjamin Netanyahu and signatory to the Abraham Accord, cut an ill-timed deal with Iran in early October, to obtain weapons, which has embarrassed his outreach to Egypt and Saudi Arabia. More recently, Turkey and Qatar's regional ambitions have clashed with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, especially over the Muslim Brothers — supported by the former, opposed by the latter. The latest emerging rivalry is between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.Saudi Arabia has positioned itself as the regional anchor. While running for president, Joe Biden called Saudi Arabia a "pariah." But it is now indispensable to the U.S.Among the Arab states. the UAE has been the most restrained in condemning Israel for its actions in Gaza. It has also said that it doesn't mix trade and politics— meaning that it will continue to implement the economic cooperation agreements it signed with Israel following on from the Abraham Accords. The UAE is also positioned at the center of the U.S.-sponsored India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC), unveiled at the September G20 summit in India as a response to China's Belt and Road Initiative.The UAE also has a free hand in the Horn of Africa, and in the last five years it has moved more rapidly and decisively than Saudi Arabia.Sudan's Fate between Riyadh and Abu DhabiAfter the eruption of war in Sudan in April, the joint Saudi-American mediation was in large part a gift from Washington to try to mend fences with the Kingdom. Talks in Jeddah resumed in late October, with the modest agenda of a ceasefire and humanitarian access, and a pro forma "civilian track" delegated to the African Union, which has shown neither commitment nor competence.Meanwhile, the Emiratis are backing General Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, known as "Hemedti," who is currently driving the Sudan Armed Forces out of their remaining redoubts in Khartoum. This followed more than six months of fighting in which Hemedti's Rapid Support Forces gained a reputation for military prowess and utter disregard for the dignity and rights of civilians. Despite widespread revulsion against the RSF, especially among middle class Sudanese, UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed al Nahyan, known as MBZ, stuck with his man.In charge of the ruins of Sudan's capital city, Hemedti will soon be in a position to declare a government, perhaps inviting civilians for the sake of a veneer of legitimacy. What's holding him back is the ceasefire talks in Jeddah. His rival, Gen. al-Burhan is meanwhile floating a plan to form a government based in Port Sudan — raising the prospect of two rival governments, as in Libya. The real negotiations there are between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. If the two capitals agree on a formula, the U.S. and the African Union will applaud, and the Sudanese will be presented with a fait accompli.Ethiopia Goes RogueIn Ethiopia, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's rule is underwritten by Emirati treasure. MBZ has reportedly paid for Abiy's vast new palace, a vanity project whose $ 10 billion price tag is paid for entirely off-budget. Abiy told lawmakers that this bill was none of their business as it was funded by private donations, directly to him. Other megaprojects in and around the capital Addis Ababa, such as glitzy museums and theme parks, have similarly opaque finances.Ethiopia's wars have depended on largesse from the UAE. Ethiopian federal forces prevailed against Tigray, forcing the latter into an abject surrender a year ago, on account of an arsenal — especially drones — supplied by the UAE. Abiy is currently rattling his saber against his erstwhile ally, Eritrea, demanding that landlocked Ethiopia be given a port, or it will take one by force. The likely target is Assab in Eritrea, though other neighbors such as Djibouti and Somalia have been rattled too.Eritrea unexpectedly finds itself as a status quo power and is relishing this role, tersely expressing its refusal to join in the confusing discourse from Addis Ababa. It suddenly has allies in Djibouti, Somaliland, Somalia and even Kenya — all of them threatened by Abiy's bellicosity.If Abiy does invade Eritrea, he will violate the basic international norm — the inviolability of state boundaries — and risk plunging his already failing economy deeper into disaster. This will pose a sharp dilemma for the UAE. It is ready to override multilateral principles, but whether it would bail out its errant client in Addis Ababa, and jeopardize its winning position in Sudan, is a different matter. It would also present Saudi Arabia with the dilemma of whether to back Eritrea's notorious dictator, President Isaias Afewerki.America and the Pax AfricanaPeace and security in the Horn of Africa isn't a priority for the Biden administration. Despite a rhetorical commitment to a rule-based international order, Washington has neither protected Africa's painstakingly-constructed peace and security architecture nor brought the Ethiopian and Sudanese crises to the U.N. Security Council.While the American security umbrella was in place over the Arabian Peninsula, the countries of the Horn of Africa had the chance to develop their own peace and security system, based on a layered multilateral structure involving the regional organization, the InterGovernmental Authority on Development, the African Union, and United Nations, with peacekeepers and peace missions funded by the Europeans. This emergent Pax Africana was already imperiled as the U.S. drew down and the Middle Eastern middle powers became more assertive. President Donald Trump authorized his favored intermediaries — Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia and the UAE — to pursue their interests across the Horn of Africa. The Biden administration has not pulled that back.It's possible that the administration cares about peace, security and human rights in Africa. But for as long as the U.S.'s Horn of Africa policy is handled by the Africa Bureau at the State Department — whose diplomats scarcely get the time of day from their counterparts in the Gulf Kingdoms — Washington's views will remain all-but-irrelevant. The Horn of Africa doesn't make the cut when staffers prepare talking points for President Biden, Secretary of State Antony Blinken or national security adviser Jake Sullivan to speak to their Arab counterparts. It's a prioritization that leaves the region in a deepening crisis, at the mercy of ruthless transactional politics.America's well-established practice of treating Israel as an exception to international law is rubbing off on Israel's allies and apologists across the Middle East, who are actively dismantling the already-tottering pillars of Africa's norm-based peace and security system. Those African countries most in need of principled multilateralism are paying the price.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.