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This article investigates the political activism undertaken by sub-Saharan West-African migrants residing in Hamburg. The article looks into political activism and resistance by exploring a politics of interference and emergence of new political subjectivities among African migrants. As stated by the refugees, they "did not survive the Nato war in Libya to die on the streets of Hamburg". The struggle works on different scales. It is based on a critique of the EU asylum and control system, of the Italian management of the "refugee problem", and of the local authorities of Hamburg. Furthermore, the article looks into how such political activism is diffused across local and national borders through local and transnational alliance-building.

1 Introduction: The rise of professional service firms as public policy actors -- 2 America First: How consultants got into the public sector -- 3 Taming uncertainty: Climate policymaking and the spatial politics of privatized advice -- 4 Who drives India's smart cities? Understanding the role of consulting firms in the Smart Cities Mission -- 5 Boutique consultancy and personal trust: Advising on cities in Moscow -- 6 Everywhere from Copenhagen: Method, storytelling, and comparison in the globalization of public space design -- 7 International consultancy firms and African states: New Debt Bonds -- 8 'The DNA of Government': Professional Service Firms, calculative technologies and the politics of municipal benchmarking -- 9 Connecting local government with global finance: Professional service firms as agents of financialization -- 10 'Infrastructure' and the Big 4: Public-private partnerships, corridors, and the expansion of capital -- 11 The corporate takeover of public policy: The case of public private partnerships in Britain -- 12 Camouflaged privatization: The influence of the Fratzscher Commission and PricewaterhouseCoopers on Berlin's schools -- 13 Hegemonic privatization and its discontents: Reflections on the statecraft of contract-based local governance in England -- 14 Expert advice? Assessing the role of the state in promoting privatized planning -- 15 Conflicting interests: Professional planning practice in publicly-traded firms -- 16 The governance of management consultancy use: Practices, problems and possibilities.

In the contemporary United States, nonprofits serve as central conduits of urban reform and welfare provision including legal, health and job assistance for racialized neighborhoods. Despite the salience of nonprofit organizations in urban politics, few academic analyses investigate their crucial political work. My work critiques normative academic and popular understandings of nonprofit organizations as ahistorical and nonpolitical service providers fundamentally delinked from the state. In contrast, my dissertation examines how nonprofits operated as a critical technology that intensified the state's relationship to urban racialized communities in the mid 20th century. Based on over two years of ethnographic fieldwork in the Fruitvale district of Oakland, CA and archival research in four different sites, I argue that nonprofit organizations are a powerful vehicle in the remaking of contemporary racial subjectivities and citizenship. As critical community-routed organizations, they negotiate how urban racial subjects relate to the state and social movements.This project probes the material and political consequences of discourses of benevolence in state, nonprofit, and social movement projects. By focusing on projects professing compassion, I unsettle dominant academic frameworks that overwhelmingly focus on two problematics regarding race making: 1) the state as a monolithic entity monopolizing all modes of power; and 2) the attribution of intentional violence to projects of race making. I advance the "politics of care" as an analytic for understanding contentious projects of urban improvement normalized as benevolent acts of kindness. Academic debates typically construct welfare as the privileged site of state projects. In contrast, my conceptualization of the "politics of care" attends to the role of the state and the work of non-state actors such as nonprofit health clinics, legal-aid centers, and community development corporations. Far more than mere service providers, nonprofits enact diverse techniques of government that target specific racial identities and populations.My findings reveal that nonprofit organizations are a productive site of power in contemporary urban racialized communities like Fruitvale. Nonprofits engaged in multiple sites/acts of production that have spatial, demographic, as well as political effects. First, they build extensive patronage networks that cohere Fruitvale residents as a united Latino "community" despite the existence of diverse and often competing factions along class and nationality. By producing this community as a target of projects of improvement and care, nonprofits also link Fruitvale with fiscal patrons outside the geographical confines of the neighborhood. Second, they market the neighborhood as Latino and produce representations of Latinidad that are architecturally and aesthetically visible in the urban form. Third, nonprofit-mediated projects demarcate Latinos from other racial groups and politicize the neighborhood as a haven for immigrant rights and in so doing link residents with constricted citizenship to alternative avenues of belonging. My study fills an important gap in the social movement literature by demonstrating the diversity of 1960s Chicano mobilizations, how they related to African American movements, Asian American experiences, and how this translated into contemporary political formations. Furthermore, my dissertation troubles academic and popular conceptions of Oakland as a Black/White city. This move remaps Latino Studies scholarship into less traditional areas of inquiry outside the metropoles of Los Angeles and Chicago.

Arguably, fear, anger and despair dominate the poor, uneducated, twenty-year-old Bigger Thomas's daily existence in Richard Wright's Native Son. Nevertheless, old lies of white supremacy that have held black people in perpetual turmoil are crushed through violent reaction when Bigger strikes at white hegemony through the killing of Mary Dalton. This backlash throws the white community into panic mode. Apparently, African Americans' increased susceptibility to the inferiority complex of the 1930s was dictated by the dubious racial stratification that allotted a place of superiority to the white race over the black race, which was considered inferior. This misconception was supported by Arthur de Gobineau's The Inequality of Human Races ([1853] 1915) and Lucien Levy-Bruhl's How Natives Think (1926). Bigger's humanity, like that of other African-American youth of this period, is overwhelmed by the racial prejudices of the supremacist whites which demand that they must be meek, submissive and self-debased. As summed up at the trial of Bigger, American society gives black people no options in life and essentially denies them the basic rights of all humans to fulfil their destiny in relationship to the measure of their intelligence and talents. These denials have led to anger, shame and fear which have snowballed into crime and murder. We may, without difficulty, agree that Wright's portrayal of the killing of Mary is not in any way designed to make Bigger a hero of the black protest against racial marginality. Rather, Bigger is created to accentuate the effects of suffocating social conditions that could turn an individual into an American "native son" raised in an atmosphere of transcendental hopelessness and weaned on the diet of violence, hatred and viciousness which provided the immediate platform for the launching of a backlash against American racism. Using the foregoing as its standpoint, this article examines white/black antipodes and race tensions in Richard Wright's Native Son. It employs the Freudian conceptual construct of the human psyche, divided into the id, ego and superego, as a theoretical framework. A parallel of the hypothesis is conceived to expound the white/black taxonomy in race discourse. In Freudian psychology, the id is irrational and it projects pleasure principles. The ego is, however, rational and mature, while the superego mediates between the id and the ego. These paradigms are used to explore the collective psyche of race theorists in the paper.

"This book considers the past and present legacies, continuities and change of the United Nations Trusteeship System by assessing consequences and legacies of decolonization in contemporary society, international organizations, and international politics. International contributors address the UN Trusteeship System as a venue for multiple state and non-state actors and its effect on the international system. Rather than viewing UN trusteeship as a bygone phenomenon the volume underscores its current relevance, particularly in view of the recent resurgence of trusteeship models such as in Kosovo and East Timor. Offering a novel and robust, yet simple and intuitive analytical framework through which to understand a broad range of cases related to the trusteeship system and its impact on the international system the book places emphasis on the agency of states in the global South and highlights the importance of multiple actors in global governance. It will be of interest to scholars of international relations theory and history in a variety of fields, ranging from African Politics, to Intergovernmental Organizations and Comparative Politics"--

This book considers the past and present legacies, continuities and change of the United Nations Trusteeship System by assessing consequences and legacies of decolonization in contemporary society, international organizations and international politics. International contributors address the UN Trusteeship System as a venue for multiple state and non- state actors and its effect on the international system. Rather than viewing UN trusteeship as a bygone phenomenon, the volume underscores its current relevance, particularly in view of the recent resurgence of trusteeship models such as in Kosovo and East Timor. Offering a novel and robust, yet simple and intuitive analytical framework through which to understand a broad range of cases related to the Trusteeship System and its impact on the international system, the book places emphasis on the agency of states in the Global South and highlights the importance of multiple actors in global governance. It will be of interest to scholars of international relations theory and history in a variety of fields, ranging from African Politics to Intergovernmental Organizations and Comparative Politics.

The last decade of the twentieth century was characterised by a resurgence of multipartism in Africa. The return of political parties produced a discontinuity not only in the continent's political life, but also in the study of African politics. A number of new researches were carried out that were largely based on existing theories and concepts in political science. These new works thus contributed to an increased integration of the study of politics south of the Sahara with mainstream political science. The present article provides an overview of the insights and advances that these studies have produced, focusing on the key issues raised by the return of party pluralism in Africa and on the utility of existing models, theories and approaches for its understanding. There is little doubt that recent research efforts have advanced our knowledge of the changing politics of the continent. However, neither the elaboration of theoretical frameworks nor the detail of empirical knowledge has achieved adequate levels of development as yet.

The last decade of the twentieth century was characterised by a resurgence of multipartism in Africa. The return of political parties produced a discontinuity not only in the continent's political life, but also in the study of African politics. A number of new researches were carried out that were largely based on existing theories and concepts in political science. These new works thus contributed to an increased integration of the study of politics south of the Sahara with mainstream political science. The present article provides an overview of the insights and advances that these studies have produced, focusing on the key issues raised by the return of party pluralism in Africa and on the utility of existing models, theories and approaches for its understanding. There is little doubt that recent research efforts have advanced our knowledge of the changing politics of the continent. However, neither the elaboration of theoretical frameworks nor the detail of empirical knowledge has achieved adequate levels of development as yet. Adapted from the source document.

This book explores the comparative historical evolution of the European, Inter-American and African regional human rights systems. The book devotes attention to various factors that have shaped the systems: the different circumstances in which they were founded; the influence of major states and inter-state politics within their respective regions; gradual processes of institutional evolution; and the impact of human rights advocates and claimants. Throughout, the book devotes careful attention to the impact of institutional and procedural choices on the functioning of human rights systems. Overarchingly, the book explores the contextually-generated differences between the three systems, suggesting that human rights practice is less unitary than it might at times appear. Prescriptively, the book proposes that, contrary to the received wisdom in some quarters, the Inter-American system's dual-track approach may provide the most promising model in regards to future human rights system design

Recent events in Ferguson, Missouri and the growth of the 'Black Lives Matter' movement have highlighted growing concerns over policing methods. Since the shooting of Michael Brown, in August 2014, there have been a series of high profile cases across the United States involving the deaths of African Americans at the hands of law enforcement officers. This paper analyses the responses of President Obama in respect to race and police practices over his two administrations. It examines the extent to which there has been a change in policy from presenting race related incidents as unfortunate (Henry Louis Gates) or tragic (Trayvon Martin), but isolated, events during his first term to a greater willingness to acknowledge that they reflect deep seated racial problems in American society during his second term. In short, public recognition of the fact that race is not just a 'Ferguson problem' but an 'American problem'. The remedies advanced by the second Obama administration – US Department of Justice investigations of police departments in Ferguson and Chicago, police body cameras, a 21st century Task Force on – will also be considered. Increasing public anxiety over police practices, most particularly in relation to African American communities, will be assessed in the light of developments in American society since the 1990s, including the spread of 'zero tolerance' policing methods, financial constraints/pressures on police departments, increasing awareness of the importance of implicit racial bias and the rise of public camera surveillance and smartphone technology. At the same time race related police incidents will be examined in the context of the historical experience of the 1968 Kerner Commission and 1991 Christopher Commission in Los Angeles to evaluate their prospects for success and the reasons for the longstanding, seemingly intractable, problems in respect to police practices and ethnic minority communities. The paper concludes by reflecting on the challenges and tensions for the President in commemorating ongoing fiftieth anniversary celebrations of the civil rights struggle as victories of an historical past at the same time as current race related incidents involving police forces across the nation highlight the extent to which race remains a divisive issue in present day American society.

This book explores the comparative historical evolution of the European, Inter-American and African regional human rights systems. The book devotes attention to various factors that have shaped the systems: the different circumstances in which they were founded; the influence of major states and inter-state politics within their respective regions; gradual processes of institutional evolution; and the impact of human rights advocates and claimants. Throughout, the book devotes careful attention to the impact of institutional and procedural choices on the functioning of human rights systems. Overarchingly, the book explores the contextually-generated differences between the three systems, suggesting that human rights practice is less unitary than it might at times appear. Prescriptively, the book proposes that, contrary to the received wisdom in some quarters, the Inter-American system's dual-track approach may provide the most promising model in regards to future human rights system design.