Suchergebnisse

An African perspective contends that recent tides of globalization are manifestations of exploitative institutional relationships that were established when Africa was introduced into the world market as a provider of slave labor & cheap raw materials. Exploitation continued through the colonial trading system. It is argued that the root causes of Africa's dire situation are not internal problems but international/regional relations structured to favor global corporations. Many newly independent African states attempted to modernize their economies by borrowing international funds at high interest rates. The resulting accumulation of debt led to stabilization & structural adjustment policies that emphasize production for export & pull citizens from agrarian economies into an urban context. The negative effect on African women of the reduction in both the domestic food supply & government spending on services is discussed. Three case studies are presented to illustrate these points: (1) debt management & the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Debt Relief Initiative; (2) the Chad oil pipeline; & (3) privatization in Senegal. It is concluded that the institutions/processes of globalization are aggravating Africa's marginal position in the international order. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

During the apartheid era, the South African state committed systematic violence against the institution of the family among Africans. Consequently, many South Africans have experienced a dramatic gap between the ideals & the reality of family life. The author discusses individual experiences of South African family life in the context of political upheaval, state oppression, & economic manipulation. She focuses on the experiences of youthful political activists who participated in the revolt against the apartheid regime. She finds that apartheid seriously disrupted their family ties & undermined their security during the first 20 years of their lives. 1 Table, 27 References. A. Funderburg

Imperialism, sub imperialism & anti-imperialism are all settling into durable patterns & alignments in Africa, even if the continent's notoriously confusing political discourse sometimes conceals the collisions & solutions. The postures of the antiwar rhetoric expressed by Mandela & Mbeki in South Africa are best understood as "talking left, walking right." The role of sub-Saharan Africa in imperialism is related to global circuits of crisis management that were reflected in the US Naval War College's "The Pentagon's New Map" that identified dangers zones for imperialism as incubators of the next generation of global terrorists. The incorporation of Africa into global capitalism through the South African connection identifies the exploitation of role of Johannesburg businesses in mining, construction, financial services, retail & tourism sectors as the most important factors. The ideological backing for corporate oriented subimperialism is located in the South African Institute for International Affairs, although Mbeki's support for the WTO has generated suspicion as the George Bush of Africa. The function of Pretoria's anti-imperialist rhetoric is concluded to be evident as a disguising of subimperial practices during an encouraging recent rise of social movement protests against neoliberalism. The challenge for Africa's progressive force is to establish the difference between "reformist reforms" & advance a "non-reformist" agenda to strengthen democratic movements, empower the producers, & open the door to the contestation of capitalism itself. References. J. Harwell

The prevalence & forms of political corruption in postapartheid South Africa are examined. It is contended that certain structural constraints should render South Africa less vulnerable to political corruption than its sub-Saharan neighbors. Nevertheless, corrupt behavior was widespread in pre-democratic South Africa. Although political corruption has been present in the postapartheid state, most corrupt acts are located in particular departments, not in the central government. It is argued that the extent of political corruption in the South African state facilitated its transition to a democratic system. The issue of whether such corrupt behavior has been inherited from previous regimes or is the outgrowth of postapartheid governments is considered. An explanation for why South Africa's democratic governments have not adopted a more effective approach to addressing corruption is also provided. J. W. Parker

Contends that corruption in African nations is not more prevalent than it is in East Asian nations. Three factors that determine the extent of corruption in a given nation are identified: the developmental nature, legitimacy, & economic history of a state; the state's form of social organization; & the interaction between the first two factors. Whereas relations between East Asian states & their private sectors resemble strong networks, it is claimed that such connections in African nations are simply loose relationships. Several additional differences that render corruption a better strategy for achieving economic development in East Asian nations are also noted. J. W. Parker

Explores prospects for the development of working-class power in Southern Africa in light of the sustained economic crisis & the extreme unevenness of capitalist devolution. Arguments posited by the United Nations World Instit for Development Economics Research project are used to document cleavages between & within Southern Africa's working classes & state/capital alliances. It is argued that challenging neoliberalism will require going beyond defensive protest to develop a regionalism complemented by international solidarity based on the interests of working-class & poor people. The historical colonial-capitalist origins of the region, the contemporary economic crisis, & the current state of the working class are described. The domination of states/capitals by South African bureaucrats & corporations is examined, along with the potential for workers to develop a regional class consciousness. It is maintained that differing perspectives on key international economic issues have hindered formation of a unified approach to combat debilitating global economic processes. However, there are examples of strategic orientations in national labor movements that suggest unity & an avoidance of divisive tactics. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Explores prospects for the development of working-class power in Southern Africa in light of the sustained economic crisis & the extreme unevenness of capitalist devolution. Arguments posited by the United Nations World Instit for Development Economics Research project are used to document cleavages between & within Southern Africa's working classes & state/capital alliances. It is argued that challenging neoliberalism will require going beyond defensive protest to develop a regionalism complemented by international solidarity based on the interests of working-class & poor people. The historical colonial-capitalist origins of the region, the contemporary economic crisis, & the current state of the working class are described. The domination of states/capitals by South African bureaucrats & corporations is examined, along with the potential for workers to develop a regional class consciousness. It is maintained that differing perspectives on key international economic issues have hindered formation of a unified approach to combat debilitating global economic processes. However, there are examples of strategic orientations in national labor movements that suggest unity & an avoidance of divisive tactics. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Discusses national identity & citizenship from an African perspective, drawing on an analysis of publications in the popular press & a review of the relevant demographic & historical characteristics. In Africa, citizenship is defined in terms of three conceptions: as membership in an identifiable civil society, a set of rights & obligations pertaining to that civil society, & an experiential reality with which Africans cope. Citizenship is distinguished from nation in that nationality refers to identification based on shared territory, history, or culture consciously juxtaposed to a foreign identity. Postcolonial constitutions were written in every African country to protect the rights of all citizens under their jurisdiction. However, these rights have been eroded to favor a particular collectivity as a model of state-sponsored nationalism. This process has produced repeated conflict & wars across the African continent since the late 1970s. A solution to this dilemma will require the institutionalization of political participation, itself dependent on the infrastructural adjustment of African economies. 20 References. D. M. Ryfe

The extent of political corruption within sub-Saharan neopatrimonial states during the late 20th century is investigated. An overview of the causes, techniques, & effects of neopatrimonial corruption is presented. Although African nations have become economically liberalized & democratized, it is contended that incident rates of political corruption have not decreased. Rather, corrupt actions by public officials have actually increased. Moreover, African politics have become more criminalized since the early 1980s. Regional & international reactions to the increase of politically corrupt acts in sub-Saharan African are discussed. It is concluded that struggles against corruption will not succeed in such criminalized political systems; in addition, it is maintained that political corruption constitutes a repudiation of democratic processes. 101 References. J. W. Parker

The findings from the authors' (1992) study of political corruption in the US states are updated. Four models designed to explain political corruption in the US -- the effects of urban residence, middle-class attitudes, immigration, & criminal behavior -- are presented. Data measuring the number of annual prosecutions of corruption between 1986 & 1995 in all states except HI were analyzed to determine if African American & opposition party leaders were being targeted for prosecution. Although some partisan targeting was detected during the late 1980s, it is revealed that neither racial nor partisan targeting was evident during the Clinton administration. Two explanations for the absence of such targeting are offered, eg, the highly visible nature of targeting practices in present-day American society. Recommendations for future research topics are offered, the government's role in creating inducements to perform corrupt actions. 9 Tables, 31 References. J. W. Parker