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W. E. B. Du Bois's commitment to the Pan-African movement is argued to be linked to his commitment to eradicate racism, colonialism, & all structures of exploitation. Du Bois has been credited with founding the Pan-African movement in the 20th century, & his long involvement with movement organizations, coupled with his many written pieces on Pan-Africanism, make him a central figure in this movement. His consistent theme, from his attendance at the Pan-African Assoc's conference in 1900, through many Pan-African Congresses, was his commitment to democracy & self-rule. The growth of the Pan-African Congress from its beginnings in WWI through the period of decolonization is charted, with specific references to Du Bois's influence. George Padmore & Kwame Nkrumah are identified as the bearers of Du Bois's legacy to the momentous Fifth Pan-African Congress in 1945, & to Africa as new states were formed. H. von Rautenfeld

Data from both published & unpublished sources are used to survey the geographical dimensions of employment for African-American women in the US & Canada. It is found that women's commuting & spatial access to work is intimately connected to their economic status. Moreover, it is indicated that African-American women commute longer than white women, & that the gender gap in commuting that is often reported in the white community does not hold for the African-American community. It is argued that longer commutes are caused by lack of access to private transportation & poor social & spatial access to jobs. An agenda for future research into this area is outlined. 58 References. D. M. Smith

The popular position that immigration to metropolitan areas causes the polarization of residential patterns between Anglo Americans & African Americans is questioned. Data from the 1990 census STF3A file are used to examine the residential distribution of 39 ethnic groups in 285 US metropolitan areas, focusing on how ethnicity & length of time in the US affected segregation in these metropolitan areas. The primary finding is that increased length of residence reduced ethnic groups' segregation, but not that of African Americans. Results also show that ethnic groups with shorter lengths of residence do not exacerbate segregation between African Americans & Anglo Americans. Additional research is needed to substantiate the claim that immigration causes segregation in the US. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 25 References. J. W. Parker

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Traces the prevalent stereotypes of African Americans in the US media culture & discusses the antiracist responses. It is contended that the expansion of US popular culture to the global community raises moral questions regarding the spread of US racist stereotypes to the rest of the world. Antiracist activity in film is traced to the organized political pressure & protests by African Americans & progressive whites against the film The Birth of a Nation (1915). Other antiracist activity examined includes: the US government's encouragement to Hollywood to portray blacks in a dignified manner during WWII years; & the call by the American Civil Liberties Union Art Division, led by writers & producers as well as prominent actors, for a boycott of production companies that maintained policies of discrimination. The 1970s produced the advent of "blaxploitation" TV & movies, but also positive antiracist events including Roots & The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman. It is argued that the overwhelmingly biased images of African Americans being exported around the globe speaks volumes for what it says about the producers & consumers of such ideas. 87 References. M. Greenberg

Arguing that Western/Northern globalization discourse has largely neglected Africa, the meanings of globalization for Africa & African intellectuals are explored. A historical overview is presented of Africa's long -- & largely unhappy -- experience with globalization, distinguishing four key episodes: slavery, colonialism, independence, & postcolonialism. At each of these junctures, Africa became more integrated into global political, cultural, & economic networks, though globalization was intricately woven with racial ideologies. African responses to globalization are also examined, suggesting that these have essentially entailed (1) a response to racism, & (2) a discussion of the state & its relationship to global forces. Ways that African intellectuals have drawn on ideologies borrowed from Europe & the US, circulated through global networks, in formulating responses to globalization are described, & a call is made for the incorporation of a more uniquely African perspective, not mere repetition of Western "transitional narratives.". K. Hyatt Stewart

Arguing that Western/Northern globalization discourse has largely neglected Africa, the meanings of globalization for Africa & African intellectuals are explored. A historical overview is presented of Africa's long -- & largely unhappy -- experience with globalization, distinguishing four key episodes: slavery, colonialism, independence, & postcolonialism. At each of these junctures, Africa became more integrated into global political, cultural, & economic networks, though globalization was intricately woven with racial ideologies. African responses to globalization are also examined, suggesting that these have essentially entailed (1) a response to racism, & (2) a discussion of the state & its relationship to global forces. Ways that African intellectuals have drawn on ideologies borrowed from Europe & the US, circulated through global networks, in formulating responses to globalization are described, & a call is made for the incorporation of a more uniquely African perspective, not mere repetition of Western "transitional narratives.". K. Hyatt Stewart

It is contended that inner-city African Americans are the victims of genocidal practices rather than political oppression. Overviews of the dimensions of genocide, the notion of indirect genocide, the concept of self-destruction, & the belief that genocide is predictable & intentional are presented. Data collected in the 1981 & 1991 Mortality Detail data sets from the Centers for Disease Control & Prevention were analyzed to determine differences between white & black American death rates. Findings revealed a proportional deficit of more than 1 million deaths for white American males & females & an excess of almost 125,000 deaths for black American males & females. In addition, the results showed that black Americans were more than 25 times more likely to die from homicide than white Americans. Additional research concerning the extent of poverty, social deprivation, poor health, economic marginality, incarceration, & loss of personal security among African Americans in urban regions is discussed to further illustrate the genocidal conditions experienced by African Americans. It is concluded that American society must protect marginalized groups from becoming victims of genocide. 3 Tables, 98 References. J. W. Parker

Data from the 1938/39 Nyasaland Nutrition Survey & subsequent Nutrition Development Unit (N = 110 families) are drawn on to examine British colonial intervention in Nyasaland as state targeting of males. The state presumed males were the heads of households despite the fact that men accorded women much authority over & responsibility for food. It is argued that the state's definition of men as farmers undermined extant gender roles vis-a-vis food & its preparation. At issue is the manner in which the colonial state regarded African families as patrilineal, nuclear, & male controlled & the impact this presumption had on family practices. Evidence indicates that the state elevated the nuclear family over the extended family, debilitating the latter's role in providing & allocating food & meals. Further, the state's broader requirements for income & labor, particularly, pushed it to manipulate families to the extent that family roles & responsibilities changed, disrupting family structure & authority. J. Zendejas

Data from the 1938/39 Nyasaland Nutrition Survey & subsequent Nutrition Development Unit (N = 110 families) are drawn on to examine British colonial intervention in Nyasaland as state targeting of males. The state presumed males were the heads of households despite the fact that men accorded women much authority over & responsibility for food. It is argued that the state's definition of men as farmers undermined extant gender roles vis-a-vis food & its preparation. At issue is the manner in which the colonial state regarded African families as patrilineal, nuclear, & male controlled & the impact this presumption had on family practices. Evidence indicates that the state elevated the nuclear family over the extended family, debilitating the latter's role in providing & allocating food & meals. Further, the state's broader requirements for income & labor, particularly, pushed it to manipulate families to the extent that family roles & responsibilities changed, disrupting family structure & authority. J. Zendejas

Facing problems of poverty & AIDS, the Iraq war has not been a pressing concern for Africa. While many African leaders & citizens condemned terrorism, others focused on economic development & poverty relief programs as more pressing concerns as well as better approaches to prevent terrorism. This chapter examines the complex relationship between Africa & the United States mainly due to the fact that some countries -- Ethiopia & Eritrea -- have joined with the United States in support of the war in Iraq, other countries -- Libya & Sudan -- are seen as supporters of terrorism. D. Miller

An exploration of "scientific motherhood" from the perspective of the everyday lives of women focuses on the negotiated meanings/uses of the discourse that forms women's relations to scientific authority. Emphasis is on negating the attitude toward science that implies women's victimization by medical discourse, as well as the notion that women accept the premise of medicine on its own terms. Rather, it is argued that scientific motherhood is a contradictory discourse shaped by relations of inequality. Data are drawn from an analysis of 38 lengthy interviews with African American & Jewish women who raised their children in the 1930s-1940s, presented in Medicalized Motherhood: Views from the Lives of African American and Jewish Women. The narratives reveal struggles between old & new practices, & disagreements about techniques for rearing healthy children that are structured by larger conflicts between social groups over status, boundaries, & acceptability. It is argued that women initiated medical discourse as a way to create motherhood within ethnoracial & class boundaries. Numerous quotations from the narratives are included. 29 References. J. Lindroth

The ability of low-income households to acquire financial assets is investigated. A review of relevant literature on low-income households' patterns of wealth accumulation is performed. Several factors that impact low-income households' potential to accrue financial assets are identified: current consumption needs; demographic differences; the absence of institution-based incentives to save financial resources; government policies; & various psychological & sociological models. Data from the 1984-1987 & 1990-1993 Surveys of Income & Program Participation are then used to analyze low-income households' capacity to accumulate assets. Several findings are reported: variations in wealth accumulation were significant across groups with different ages, education levels, & racial backgrounds; the median wealth for Anglo American households' was almost four times higher than that of African American families; approximately 25% of households surveyed had net worths of less than $5,000; almost 20% of American households did not have transaction accounts, including almost half of African American families. It is contended that methods of accumulating assets are different than those used to increase net general worth in low-income households & that this study has significant implications for future policy creation. 17 Tables, 1 Appendix, 42 References. J. W. Parker

Explores refugee protection in East Africa in the post-September 11, 2001, context, contending that the character of refuge & prospects for refugee protection will change. Three broad factors are seen to underpin this shift: history of state resistance to refugee protection, declining capacity of humanitarian entities, particularly the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), & the changing nature & characteristics of East African refugee populations. Policy adjustments required to bolster refugee protection is contemplated in light of domestic dynamics, eg, democratization, & the global war against terrorism: the state must be involved in refugee protection, focus should shift from relief to human rights protection, & criminals must be distinguished from refugees without compromising refugee human rights. J. Zendejas