Suchergebnisse

African States have been the first supporters of the ICC and are the most numerous group among the ICC Member States. Nevertheless, in recent years, the African Union (AU) and numerous African States perceive the ICC as an instrument of a new form of colonialism of the main Powers, which encroach African States sovereignty through the ICC judicial activities. After the indictment of former Sudanese President Al Bashir, the AU urged the UN Security Council to defer the ICC proceedings as it impedes efforts to secure a lasting peace in that country; it decided that its Member States shall not comply with the Al Bashir arrest warrant, and developed a strategy for "collective withdrawal". Given this backdrop, the paper first connects of this ICC's "crisis" to the general crisis of multilateralism Then it focuses on the "positive" effects of the African criticism on the development of the ICC most recent judicial activities. It also analyses whether the mentioned Africa Union/African States' criticism is an effort to claim their own role in managing African affairs and African crimes, and to become a more fundamental part of international politics and institutions. Finally, it ascertains whether the principle of "positive complementarity" may become a useful tool to solve the conflict between the ICC and African States.

Historically, food safety was a part of national regulation so EU food safety policy is quite phenomenal and associated with the implementation of the principles of the single market .The aim of the thesis is to explore the EU's food safety policy's peculiarities in Lithuania emphasizing the case of african swine fever. In order to achieve this goal the thesis is based on scientific literature analysis , documentation and legislative analysis , qualitative content analysis and semi- structured interviews. The first chapter examines the theoretical access of EU food safety policy. K.Paul's, V.Schmidt's and other author's ideas about the importance of discourse when seeking to explain institutional changes are analysed. The second part examines EU's food safety policy , it's principles, changes and decision- making process. Legal documents which governing EU food safety policy is analysed. The key actors of European level food safety policy are emphasized. The third chapter examines the food safety in Lithuania . Analysis of food safety legislation in Lithuania is made by distinguishing institutions which are involved in food safety policy process. Functions of the State Food and Veterinary service are emphasized. The fourth part of the paper analyzes the problems of african swine fever in Lithuania. A qualitative media content analysis allowed to identify the existing discourses and problems which are emphasized in media. Semi- structured interviews with the responsible authorities , politicians and other stakeholders allowed to achieve a better understanding of the decisions and stakeholder position of african swine fever. Results leaded to the conclusion that Lithuania accepted more drastic decisions than is required by EU legislation which has caused dissatisfaction within environmentalist and losses to pig farmers . However, due to african swine fever infection in Lithuania and Poland pork export is suspended to Russia from EU although the EU itself prohibited export only from the affected areas , which suggests that the EU's food safety system is not always recognized by the third parties.

The Applicant, Private Barnabas Eli, is a Nigerian citizen who enrolled into the Nigerian Army (hereinafter "the Army") on the 14th August 2009. The applicant refers that he was sent to the first battalion of the Army to be part of the so-called "Special Task Force", operation Save Haven. Specifically, he was on duty at the Kassa checkpoint. On 6th April 2012, while at work, the applicant states to have a severe stomachache and, therefore, needs to purchase medication at the closest chemist. When the applicant came back to his domicile, he found his residence robbed and his rifle disappeared. He was charged with the arm's disappearance and detained at the Barkin Ladi Police station. At a later stage, he was held at the third Division, which had jurisdiction on the case. On 9th December 2013, he was condemned by the Military Court Martial to a two years imprisonment. He was released on 8th December 2015, after completing the two years' detention. The applicant complains the disrespect of article 6 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (hereinafter "The Charter), namely the right to liberty. He then alleges that the Respondent state was no able to prove any allegation related to his rifles' vanishing and objected to embrace the general martial court's deliberations to date. Furthermore, he stated the violation of articles 1,2,3,4,5,7 and 15 of the African Charter.

The One Belt One Road initiative is fundamental in the priority projects of the Chinese government, as it falls within the objectives of revitalization of the national economy through the increase in GDP and the creation of new international links. Consequently, in these years China is developing a great economic integration plan based also on a complex set of transport and logistics infrastructures. The construction of a complex of highways, high-speed railways, ports, airports, oil pipelines and telecommunications networks is in progress, aimed at increasing internal economic, financial and cultural relations and exchanges, as well as those between Beijing and many Asian, European, African states. It is therefore particularly interesting to try to grasp the role played by Italy in this ambitious project that – once completed – is destined to redesign the commercial and financial network on a world scale.

In her article, Bailkin is interested in the embodied presences of empire in the case files and records of the post-war welfare state. She sets out to interrogate the history of decolonization and the strict correlation with families' lives. She wonders also how the new social sciences provided modern modes of interaction between the state and different migrant groups in Great Bretain. Her attention in this article concerns African immigrant students from Nigeria and Ghana and his/her family (when their wifes or husbands and children were in Britain too). Bailkin uses archives from various government departments, newspaper reports, and individual life stories to unpack the ways in which new migrant subjects were constituted and pathologised. Concerning the fostering and/or adoption of African children into English White homes Bailkin points out the profound consequences for generations of black families, as well the criteria by which all families in Britain were evaluated as "good" or "bad" ones.

The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.

The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.

The Italian foreign policy is the topic of the present research; more precisely, the policies pursued in relation to the Libyan crisis of the year 2011. The most recent events taking place in the African country bring along the necessity of shedding a new light on the role of the Western state that most interests had to defend in Libya, and that is still very much concerned by the latter situation at a time when a new possible military intervention is considered. The object of the research is the Italian foreign policy considered from the beginning of the Libyan crises in 2011, namely from when protests against the government started in Benghazi and clashes with the police took place in mid February, until the end of the NATO mission Operation Unified Protector in Libya on October 31 of that same year, following the death of Col. Gaddafi and the defeat of the loyalist forces. The goal of the research is to identify the Italian postures and their consistency with its actual behaviour during the Libyan crisis, evaluating if the Italian foreign policy has been capable of serving the national interest. The tasks of the research are to justify the choice of the neorealist theoretical framework introducing the main vectors of Italian foreign policy from 1945 to the present and their relations with the Libyan case, to assess the status of the relations between Italy and Libya at the end of the year 2010, to trace the Italian diplomatic and political rhetoric related to the crisis understanding the rational behind the Italian formal positioning, to check it against the actual Italian actions along the crisis, and to assess the results achieved. Document analysis is the research method employed, and the results indicate that Italy displayed a negligent management of the crisis since non-linearity, inconsistency and ineffectiveness were recurrent features to be found in its behaviour, sided by a lack of understanding of the overall Libyan situation. The Italian stances and actions were taken into account through a neorealist theoretical framework. The conclusion of the work is that the Italian foreign policy in relation to the Libyan crisis of 2011 have showed strong signs of non-linearity and inconsistency during the last phase of the crisis, and that the results achieved can not be considered satisfactory in any of the two phases, whilst in both of them an important lack of knowledge on key elements related to the issue has been displayed.

The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et ...

The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et les différences entre ces deux partis communistes et les mouvements anticoloniaux africains, ainsi que les fractures internes au « camp socialiste » et les relations entre PCI et PCF constituent une histoire croisée qui fait référence aux sources produites et conservées par ces deux organisations politiques. Il s'agit d'une thèse en cotutelle entre l'Université de Rome « Tor Vergata » et l'Université Paris 1 « Panthéon-Sorbonne ».

Whether southern Italy can develop sufficiently to play a part and perhaps form an important link in the expanding economic relations of the European Union and individual member states with North African and other Arab states bordering the Mediterranean.