El libro Trajectory of Land Reform in Post-Colonial African States (2019) es otra ambiciosa entrega de la colección Advances in African Economical, Social and Political Development. En este tomo, los editores A. Akinola y H. Wissink presentan una colección de artículos, cada uno de ellos analiza críticamente los regímenes de propiedad de la tierra en varios países de África subsahariano y sus agendas de reforma. La propiedad de la tierra es un tema inabarcable para un libro, por esto, este libro fija como su propósito identificar las tendencias existentes en el uso, la propiedad, la distribución y la tenencia de la tierra en África.
The concept of civil society is one of the most controversial in culturaland political circles in both of the Arab and African Worlds. Yet, it didnot receive the appropriate attention of both its advocates and itsdetractors, who consider it to be the product of an alien civilization.Furthermore, the concept of civil Society was misused for politicalpurposes, as, for example, some North African States reverted to it inorder to exclude the formations of political Islam. On the other hand,Arab movements of opposition and political dissent, resort to the sameconcept to entrench themselves against state oppression andauthoritarianism. Thus this study is based on the premise that theexistence of a real Civil Society, independent of both State and Family,and based on the concepts of civilization and tolerance, will lead tofull integration on all national, regional and continental levels.
The concept of civil society is one of the most controversial in culturaland political circles in both of the Arab and African Worlds. Yet, it didnot receive the appropriate attention of both its advocates and itsdetractors, who consider it to be the product of an alien civilization.Furthermore, the concept of civil Society was misused for politicalpurposes, as, for example, some North African States reverted to it inorder to exclude the formations of political Islam. On the other hand,Arab movements of opposition and political dissent, resort to the sameconcept to entrench themselves against state oppression andauthoritarianism. Thus this study is based on the premise that theexistence of a real Civil Society, independent of both State and Family,and based on the concepts of civilization and tolerance, will lead tofull integration on all national, regional and continental levels.
Sudáfrica postapartheid vivió tres episodios de violencia afroxenofóbica: 2008, 2015, 2019. La emergencia de estos acontecimientos resquebrajó la narrativa oficial de "la nación arcoíris", evidenciando formas de intolerancia cotidianas. Este trabajo se enfoca únicamente en historizar los ataques xenofóbicos de 2015, y analiza las responsabilidades institucionales y gubernamentales en el aumento de los discursos de odio contra extranjeros negros en un contexto de continuidad de la supremacía blanca en los diversos órdenes de la vida social y económica. ; Post-apartheid South Africa experienced three episodes of Afro-xenophobic violence in 2008, 2015, and 2019. The emergence of these events shattered the official narrative of "the rainbow nation", revealing daily forms of intolerance. This paper focuses solely on historicizing the xenophobic attacks of 2015, and analyzes the institutional and governmental responsibilities for the increase in hate speech against black foreigners in a context of continued white supremacy in various orders of social and economic life. ; 107-136 ; nataliacabanillas@gmail.com ; Semestral
If modern imperialism necessarily combines neoliberalism and"accumulation by dispossession" in peripheral sites like Africa alongwith increasing subservience to the USA's indirect, neocolonial rule,the next logical step is to locate South Africa's own position as regionalsubimperial hegemon within the same matrices. That requiresidentifying areas where imperialism is facilitated in Africa by thePretoria-Johannesburg state-capitalist nexus, in part through Mbeki'sNew Partnership for Africa's Development and in part through theindependent (though related) logic of private capital. Finally, inresponse to this subjugation, we can consider what kinds of analyses,strategies, tactics and alliances are being posed by serious African antiimperialists.First, however, we must clarify imperialism's militaristand geopolitical inclinations.
If modern imperialism necessarily combines neoliberalism and"accumulation by dispossession" in peripheral sites like Africa alongwith increasing subservience to the USA's indirect, neocolonial rule,the next logical step is to locate South Africa's own position as regionalsubimperial hegemon within the same matrices. That requiresidentifying areas where imperialism is facilitated in Africa by thePretoria-Johannesburg state-capitalist nexus, in part through Mbeki'sNew Partnership for Africa's Development and in part through theindependent (though related) logic of private capital. Finally, inresponse to this subjugation, we can consider what kinds of analyses,strategies, tactics and alliances are being posed by serious African antiimperialists.First, however, we must clarify imperialism's militaristand geopolitical inclinations.
Dentro de los análisis de política internacional, el concepto de sociedad civil fue revitalizado durante la década de 1980 como una manera de conceptualizar la opresión de Estado y especialmente para el caso de los países africanos bajo los planes de ajuste estructural de FMI y Banco Mundial, fue presentado como el símbolo de la fe en la importancia clave del sector privado para la salud económica y política del país. Este artículo es un intento de problematizar los múltiples significados de Estado y sociedad civil teniendo en cuenta las experiencias históricas de los países africanos. ; In the realm of International Politics analysis, the concept of civil society was revitalized in the 1980s as a way to conceptualise resistance to state oppression, on the other hand and especially for African countries under the FMI and World Bank's Structural Adjustment Policies, civil society was presented as the symbol of the faith in the private sector key importance for the political and economic health of the country. In this article the multiple meanings of State and Civil Society are considered taking into account African historical experiences. ; Fil: Cejas, Mónica. Colegio de México; México
Free trade agreements have been known to have numerous benefits, especially from an economic point of view, however, it has been argued that for them to be successful, they ought to be complemented by a conducive socio-economic –and by extension political environment. Regrettably, the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement (AfCFTA) arrived at a time when Africa was economically and politically unstable; conflict and economic insecurity have exacerbated the lack of development in the contintent. As a result of the above, this paper seeks to understand how African states will navigate their various economic and, by extension, political interests in the hope of contributing to the success of the AfCFTA. Finally, the paper will answer whether Africa is ready for a free trade agreement by employing a qualitative research approach and reviewing current literature. ; Se sabe que los acuerdos de libre comercio tienen numerosos beneficios, especialmente desde el punto de vista económico, sin embargo, se ha argumentado que para que tengan éxito, deben complementarse con un entorno socioeconómico y, por extensión, político propicio. Lamentablemente, en África, el acuerdo ACFTA llegó en un período de inestabilidad económica y política; los conflictos y la inestabilidad económica han agravado el desarrollo en el continente. Por lo tanto, dentro de la premisa de lo anterior, utilizando un enfoque de investigación cualitativa a través de la literatura de revisión, este artículo busca comprender cómo los estados africanos navegarán a través de sus diferentes intereses económicos y, por extensión, políticos con la esperanza de contribuir al éxito de la economía africana. Continental Free Trade Area, al final, el documento responderá si África está lista o no para un acuerdo de libre comercio.
Africa's urbanization rate has increased steadily over the past three decades and is reported to be faster than in any other region in the world . It is estimated that by 2030, over half of the African population will be living in urban areas . But the nature of Africa's urbanization and subsequent form of cities is yet to be critically analyzed in the context of city authorities' readiness to address the challenges . Evidence is also suggesting that urbanization in African countries is increasingly associated with the high economic growth that has been observed in the last two decades . Both underlying and proximate drivers are responsible for the urbanization, and these include population dynamics, economic growth, legislative designation, increasing densities in rural centers, as well as the growth of mega cities such as Lagos, Cairo and Kinshasa, that are extending to form urban corridors . With the opportunities of urbanization in Sub–Saharan Africa, there are also challenges in the development and management of these cities . Those challenges include provision of social services, sustainable economic development, housing development, urban governance, spatial development guidance and environmental management, climate change adaptation, mitigation and disaster risk reduction . The challenge involves dealing with the development and infrastructure deficit, in addition to required adaption to and mitigation of climate change . This paper examines the current state of urban management in Africa .
This article aims to offer insight into the socioeconomic position of blacks in comparison to whites in the United States and to discuss the sociopolitical role of the black middle class within the black community.Two primary trends characterize racial and class stratification in the United States. First, demographic indicators show persistent racial inequalities between blacks and whites overall. Second, there exists a sizable black middle and upper middle class that, nonetheless, continues to experience disadvantages in comparison to most whites. These socioeconomic realities mean that middle class blacks occupy an intermediary role in the social and political life of black communities and organizations, and this is the topic of the third part of the essay. Using data from an ethnographic study of a black neighborhood in Chicago, the article shows how this intermediary role can be used to either improve or threaten the well-being of less fortunate African Americans. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo brindar perspicacia sobre la posición socioeconómica de los afroamericanos en comparación con los blancos y entre sí en Estados Unidos (EU), y reflexionar sobre el rol sociopolítico de la clase social media y media alta negra dentro de la comunidad negra. Se presentan dos tendencias que caracterizan la estratificación de raza y de clase social en EU, incluyendo la existencia de desigualdades generalizadas entre blancos y negros, y el surgimiento de una clase media y media alta negra que, a pesar de su éxito, sigue experimentando desventajas con respeto a los blancos. Estas realidades socioeconómicas señalan que los afroamericanos con recursos ocupan un rol intermediario en la vida social y política de los barrios y organizaciones negros, y esto es el tercer aporte del artículo.Mediante una investigación etnográfica de un barrio negro en la ciudad de Chicago, se demuestra cómo los afroamericanos de clase media manejan este rol intermediario y cómo es posible que sus intervenciones puedan mejorar o perjudicar el bienestar de los afrodescendientes más vulnerables.
During the 21st century, the African continent, it has become increasingly important within the international system. In this process, African natural resources gained a central role in other states. It is against this backdrop that various doors have been opened to African countries around a new configuration of the international system, where we are increasingly seeing that different international actors are becoming more prominent; whether economically, militarily, technologically, etc. Africa is currently facing a range of opportunities, where international actors such as China, the United States and Russia gained significant importance. However, during the 21st century, there was also a significant growth in African economies, which helped shape a new positioning of African states during the current century (MORASSO 2015). In relation to the above, this economic development not only contributes to African redeployment within the international system, but also contributes to Africa's position as a new scenario of international interest, in which the dispute over the financial markets and the partial controls of financial flows become even more relevant. In these frameworks, we note that Africa is in a clearly compromising situation, where the interest of different countries can be observed by interacting the states of the continent historically and significantly remotely (compared to the major empires that began their colonising waves and culminated in the distribution of Africa around 1913). In this context, countries such as China started the race on the old continent by articulating multidimensional cooperation spaces (Marchetti, 2016). In the face of this situation, Russia has not chosen to remain sidelined and has decided to re-project itself on the African continent. In this bid, the Euro-Asian country is looking for allies that are not interpelled by the United States or the People's Republic of China. Despite being the last major international player to join Africa, it is clear that Africa has a ...
The African reality is multiple: victim of regional conflicts, coup d'état, endemic diseases, illiteracy, hunger, corruption, terrorism and social breakdown, unable to commit to development and to secure a better future for future generations. Africa is diverse: political, economic and religious. After decades of colonial occupation, slave trafficking, exploitation and subjection of European metropolis from the 15th century onwards, it was recently in the 1960s that many territories became independent states, following the essential intervention of the Committee on Decolonisation. The end of the Second World War, the resulting international context and the creation of the United Nations, led to the beginning of decolonisation in Africa. This colonisation process enabled the major powers, based on the simultaneous exploitation of resources and cheap labour, to produce products for the international market, depriving traditional African society of its autonomy and any prospect of change. With very few exceptions (Madagascar, Lesotho, Ethiopia and Swaziland), the current states are inherited from colonial social training, lacking national sovereignty. Still today, they symbolise an extension of the colonial state, unable to control the population living on its territory. It is true that these states, characterised as 'fragile', face different threats on a daily basis such as civil wars, large-scale atrocities and humanitarian emergencies. Through the media, we are only spectators of a number of testimonies related to violent extremism in Africa. However, its destructive scope and consequences are among the main peace challenges that the international community is currently facing. Department of International Security and Defence. Institute for International Relations ; La realidad africana es múltiple: víctima de conflictos regionales, golpes de Estado, enfermedades endémicas, analfabetismo, hambre, corrupción, terrorismo y desestructuración social, incapaz de apostar por el desarrollo y de asegurar un futuro mejor ...
The regime of Francisco Macías in Equatorial Guinea (1968-1979) has brought up controversies. Some consider it an example of leftist politics, others, a fall under fascism; for some it would be a clear reflection of Franco's regime, for others the fanciful product of a sick mind. Through the analysis of the rituals developed by Macias regime, an attempt to elucidate which of these elements contribute to its creation. ; El régimen de Francisco Macías en Guinea Ecuatorial (1968-1979) hadespertado controversias. Hay quien lo considera un ejemplo de políticas izquierdistas, otros lo enmarcan dentro del fascismo; para algunos sería un reflejo claro del régimen franquista, para otros la producción fantasiosa de una mente enferma. A través del análisis de los rituales desarrollados por el régimen macista, se trata de elucidar qué elementos contribuyeron a la creación de éste.
Este artículo es resultado de entrevistas etnográficas realizadas entre abril y junio de 2019 en Tijuana. Los informantes son varones adultos originarios de Guinea-Conakry, Ghana, Burkina Faso, Nigeria y Camerún, que buscaban protección internacional en Estados Unidos. Mediante un enfoque teórico-crítico, el ensayo reflexiona acerca de la movilidad transnacional como lucha de vida e impulso categórico. Es decir, vida social y método de mejora económica para retomar proyectos interrumpidos o desconfigurados, en el marco de conexiones y circulaciones intempestivas. En particular, el texto destaca la preeminencia de narrativas y conceptos religiosos. Asimismo, resume en breve las circunstancias históricas que dieron lugar a la huida y describe a detalle el accidentado tránsito por Latinoamérica: por una parte, políticas que acogían y protegían, o al menos, permitían el movimiento y, por otra, dispositivos que perseguían y encerraban, dejaban y hacían morir. Por último, afina conceptualmente la propuesta central y complementa datos relevantes. ; Between April and June 2019, the author conducted ethnographic interviews in Tijuana among young West African men seeking international protection in the United States. From a critical-theoretical approach, this essay reflects on transnational mobility as a life force and categorical drive. That is to say, social life and economic development methodology to restore interrupted or disjointed life projects within untimely connections and circulations. In particular, this article highlights the significance of theological narratives and concepts in transit. It also briefs on the historical circumstances underlying exile and describes the inhospitable dwelling conditions throughout Latin America. On one side, protective or at least permissive policies, but more often persecution and confinement devices, which ultimately allowed and produced death. Finally, it presents a conceptual closure on the central thesis and relevant complementary data. ; Este artigo é resultado de entrevistas etnográficas realizadas entre abril e junho de 2019 em Tijuana. Os informantes são homens adultos da Guiné-Conakry, Gana, Burkina Faso, Nigéria e Camarões, em busca de proteção internacional nos Estados Unidos. Usando uma abordagem teórico-crítica, o ensaio reflete sobre a mobilidade transnacional como luta de vida e impulso categórico. Ou seja, a vida social e um método de aperfeiçoamento econômico para retomar projetos interrompidos ou mal configurados, no quadro de conexões e circulações extemporâneas. Em particular, o texto destaca a preeminência de narrativas e conceitos religiosos. Da mesma forma, resume brevemente as circunstâncias históricas que levaram ao vôo e descreve em detalhes o difícil trânsito pela América Latina: de um lado, as políticas que acolheram e protegeram, ou pelo menos, permitiram o movimento e, de outro, os artifícios que o perseguiram. e eles trancaram, partiram e fizeram morrer. Finalmente, ele refina conceitualmente a proposta central e complementa os dados relevantes.
When we speak of 'the state' in Tropical Africa today, we are apt to create an illusion. Ordinarily the term denotes an independent political structure of sufficient authority and power to govern a defined territory and its population: empirical statehood. This is the prevailing notion of the state in modern political, legal, and social theory, and it is a fairly close approximation to historical fact in many parts of the world —not only in Europe and North America, where modern states first developed and are deeply rooted, but also in some countries of South America, the Middle East, and Asia here they have more recently emerged. Nevertheless, even if the state is an inescapable reality, many so-called states in Tropical Africa, are seriously lacking in the essentials of statehood. ; Cuando hablamos del "estado" en África Tropical de hoy día, es posible que hayamos creado una ilusión. Habitualmente el término significa una estructura política independiente con suficiente autoridad y poder como para gobernar un territorio definido y su población: es la estatalidad empírica. Esta es la noción predominante del estado en la teoría moderna política, jurídica y social y es una aproximación bastante fiel al hecho histórico en muchas partes del mundo —no solo en Europa y América del Norte, donde se desarrollaron y se enraizaron los primeros estados modernos, sino también en América del Sur, Oriente Medio y Asia, donde han surgido más recientemente—. Sin embargo, aunque el estado es una realidad ineludible, muchos de los llamados estados del África Tropical carecen de los elementos imprescindibles de la estatalidad.
