Suchergebnisse

Überblick über staatliche Eingriffe in den Agrarsektor von der Kolonialzeit bis zur Gegenwart. Starker Rückgang der Erträge unter der Staatsfarm-Politik der Frelimo. Seit 1982 Übergang zu neuer Entwiklungsstrategie für den Agrarbereich: Bildung von Kooperativen und Unterstützung der kleinbäuerlichen Familienwirtschaft. Auch Wandel in der Handelspolitik: Importierte Agrartechnologie und Konsumwaren sollen den bäuerlichen Haushalt anregen, Überschüsse zu erzeugen und zu vermarkten. (DÜI-Hlb)

Überblick über Entstehung, Organisationsstruktur und Politik der 1968 gegründeten 'Organisation des Etats riverians du Senegal' (OERS), der Vorläuferin des 1972 eingerichteten 'Organisation pour la mise en valeur du fleuve Senegal' (OMVS). (DÜI-Ker)

Culture is seen as a source for the development of society. Task of cultural policy is therefore to create and support structures that promote mobilization of creativity of the people and thus ensure welfare, innovation and pluralism. Such relationships have been discussed at the level of UNESCO for the past forty years. Within Germany and Europe as well as on the African continent experiences and initiatives are increasing in order to put discourse on cultural policies into practice. There is a need to provide a forum for the exchange of concepts and to identify the state of the art of theory

This study is focussed on the potential role of family planning programmes in terms of reducing the high fertility levels (the main cause of the rapid population growth) in the ECA member states. The aim of the study is to provide some guidelines to the member states seeking to adopt family planning programmes in the future in a bid to reduce their population growth

The apartheid state provided higher education in very differentiated ways. After 1994, the issue of how new policies would address the issue of unjust differentiation was widely discussed via the concept of 'redress'. After 1994, the idea of redress for the cohort of historically disadvantaged institutions went through many shifts and competing definitions. The article shows that by 2001 the stage was set for a number of centrally imposed proposals to address the problems of institutional inequality; these relied more on notions of developing institutional fitness for mandated missions within given financial constraints than on reparation for past discrimination or injustice.

pt. 1. The African American criminal in culture and media -- pt. 2. Slave voices and bodies in poetry and plays -- pt. 3. Representing African American gender and sexuality in pop-culture and society -- pt. 4. Black cultural production in music and dance -- pt. 5. Obama and the politics of race -- pt. 6. Ongoing realities and the meaning of "blackness".

Two competing approaches to the study of African Americans—the race and class perspectives—have dominated attempts to explain their views on contemporary issues.To examine the race versus class debate, this study uses African Americans' views on government spending for five social welfare concerns: (1) improving and protecting the nation's health, (2) solving the problems of big cities, (3) halting rising crime rates, (4) dealing with drug addiction, and (5) improving the nation's education system. Data from the 1972–1990 General Social Surveys are used to compare middle‐class blacks with both working‐class blacks and whites and middle‐class whites in terms of their support for government spending for those five social welfare issues.Examining group means, we found no significant difference between the two black classes but a significant difference between the black middle class and the white middle class on support for government spending in all areas except halting the rising crime rates (where there were no significant differences among the four groups). Similarly, using logistic regression analysis we found that race continued to have a significant effect on support for spending even after controlling for class, year, age, gender, education, income, and occupational prestige. In respect to social welfare spending, the results indicate support for the race, as opposed to the class, perspective; that is, race is better than class for predicting African American attitudes on government spending.

In recent policy frameworks, traditional authorities have been (re)assigned roles of directly representing civil society and local communities as key actors in development, leading to questions about the relationship between the chieftaincy institution and the state in governance. Using the example of a chieftaincy dispute between the Sokpoe and Tefle, a Tongu-Ewe people of Ghana, at the heart of which are claims to paramountcy status, this article argues that chieftaincy and the state are not always parallel institutions of governance that derive their legitimacy from different sources. Struggles over chieftaincy hierarchies have become struggles for the preferential recognition by and access to the state conveyed by membership in the Houses of Chiefs. In effect, the chieftaincy institution may be both parallel to and dependent on the state. The article draws attention to the importance of hierarchy in explaining state-chieftaincy relationships because an understanding of the nuances of legitimacy in chieftaincy will enrich how chiefs are engaged as key actors in development.

pt. 1. Power from above. Foreign states and trade relations -- Multinational corporations and nationalization -- International organization and governance -- Rentier states and kleptocracy -- Praetorian regimes and terror -- pt. 2. Power from below. Journalists and intellectuals -- Political parties and elections -- Armed struggle for independence -- Popular resistance and people power -- Unscrambling the scramble for African oil

Machine generated contents note: Chapters -- 1. Knowledge and Power in Pre-Colonial Muslim Societies -- Muslim schooling and the esoteric episteme -- Legitimay, knowlkdge andpower -- 2. Medersas, French and Islamic -- The French midersas -- The Origins of the Islamic Midersa Movement -- -Bamako -- -Kayes -- -Segu -- 3. Reform and Counter-Reform: the Politics of Muslim -- Schooling in the 1950s -- The social and political context of reform -- The politics of counter-reform -- 4. Discourses of Knowledge, Power and Identity -- Muslim doctrinal politics: a discourse about ignorance and truth -- The French, the Africans and the Muslims: a discourse about the -- Other -- Identiy as a transformative system -- 5. Power Relations in the Postcolony -- Knowledge andpower in the Republic of MaH -- Islamic resurgence and the materialization of Islam -- 6. The Dynamics of Medersa Schooling -- The expansion of the midersa network -- The socio-economic roots of midersa schooling: changing -- regious subjectivities -- The social constituencies of the midersas -- -Founders, directors and teachers -- v -- -Parents -- -Students and youth -- 7. Islam, the State and the Ideology of Development The -- Politics of Muslim Schooling in the 1980s -- The domestication of the mdersas -- The invisibility of the medersas: discursive patterns in the public arena -- The exclusion of the midersas the 4me Projet Education -- CGoverning men as things' development as a resource of extraversion -- 8. Reprise: Reassessing the Terms of Analysis -- Bibliography -- Index