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In this paper I track the rise and growth of the alt-right in contemporary US culture through its presentation on and offline. I task myself with the simple question: "What does the alt-right look like?" I rely on personal experience to guide research into representations of the group. Briefly looking back at the history of the internet as a political gathering ground, I then parse out the spaces inhabited by the alt-right online. First, I explore the structures of online trolling and meme culture as a response to contemporary Tumblr identity politics of the web. I then analyze the peculiarity of the digital online image, proposing a unifying rhetoric of the meme. Using a case study of the first alt-right press conference, I look at the digital online image offline and analyze its effects. Then, I turn to offline imaging of the alt-right, through visual analysis of video documentation of the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville, VA. In an effort to flesh out this illustration, I then look to representation of the group in pop cultural forms of film. Representation of the alt-right has been powerfully slippery and difficult to identify. Through an additive analysis of the various implications of representation styles, I "get a grip" on the group's representation. Looking through the alt-right, I reframe the group as a part of, and born from American culture at large.

Built as a hypertext work of electronic literature, "Alt-Right: Ctrl+A; Del" explores the social media fatigue experienced by a woman operating in online spaces. The work takes place from November 9 2016 to January 20 2017, during the pivotal moments of transition prior to Donald Trump's inauguration. It is heavily influenced by the ongoing challenges faced by participants in social media discourse who are identifiable (or labeled) as other than white, heterosexual, cisgender men (Marciano, 2014). The fictionalised narrative of the work is presented alongside a day-by-day evolving timeline of tweets drawn from real social media discourse. The reader-player experiences both the mundane and the politically momentous, the true and the "fake" news sensations, while navigating through the daily pressures of life which present their own source of exhaustion and challenges. Ultimately, the reader-player must decide to what extent it is worth engaging with the incendiary discourse, and these decisions shape the reputation of the character's online persona. The choice to engage in political discourse will inevitably result in eventually catching the attention of a horde of procedurally-generated trolls (Phillips 2015), while refraining from participating will leave the character relatively invisible and disengaged from both the media platform and source of social connection. The reader-player must balance the demands of social media to present an active persona to their followers with the personal needs of a human who must cope with the results of harassment from a faceless flood.

In the process of shifting far-right ideas from the fringes to the centre of the political spectrum, the alt-right has infiltrated online spaces to mainstream extremist ideas. As part of this process, female alt-right influencers have emerged within various popular social media platforms and fringe outlets, seeking to build credibility for the movement with new audiences. Contrary to previous assumptions about women as harmless adherents of far-right ideology, alt-right women are emerging as "organic intellectuals", influential in the formation of everyday beliefs and principles in congruence with the tenets of far-right ideology. Their narratives strategically weave far-right ideological discourses, such as the imminent crisis of white identity, with topical matters on lifestyle and well-being. This article examines the rhetoric of online influencers as they shape an ideological space which is contributing to the normalization or mainstreaming of far-right ideas. In doing so, it addresses two questions: How do alt-right female influencers narrate a far-right identity? How do they mainstream white supremacist ideas online? Drawing on new empirical material from a series of far-right podcasts, this article demonstrates that alt-right women strategically construct a "liberated" female identity rooted in femininity, traditionalism and gender complementarity, and problematize feminism and women's emancipation as constitutive of the crisis facing the white race. It further identifies the presence of an elaborate cultural narrative around white victimhood which alt-right influencers use to mainstream their ideology. To counter the perpetuation of far-right ideas in society, women's participation in shaping far-right ideology should not remain unaddressed. This article sheds some light on how a small but highly visible group of influencers are actively working to promote a dangerous far-right ideology.

Amy McDowell on a subgenre of punk that isn't fighting for the right to party or partying for the right to fight, but making music to fight the right (wing, that is).

Robert Futrell and Pete Simi on the simmering sentiments and political fortunes of White supremacists.

AbstractIn this paper, we use panel data from the 2016 and 2017 waves of the Voter Study and the 2018 American National Election Studies (ANES) Pilot, to better understand the relative influence of the Alt‐Right on mainstream US politics in the Trump era. Given the degree of formal alignment between Trump and a number of key voices within the movement, we first examine the strength of the association between affect for the Alt‐Right and support for Republican Party between 2016 and 2018. We also examine relative levels of affect for the Alt‐Right among Whites between this period, tracking a number of important changes. We find that, while affect for the Alt‐Right was strongly associated with support for Republican candidates such as Trump in the 2016 election cycle, we find a somewhat weaker relationship between affect for the Alt‐Right and White support for Trump and down ballot Republican candidates in 2018. We also find that, after rising between 2016 and 2017, levels of affect for Alt‐Right appear to have declined by 2018. The results are therefore reflective of exponential rise of the Alt‐Right during the 2016 election and the movement's subsequent implosion after the 2017 'United the Right', rally in Charlottesville, VA.

Front Cover -- Front Flap -- Title Page -- Copyright Information -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Part I: The Problem of the Alt-Right -- The Emergence of the Alt-Right -- How Big Is the Alt-Right? Analysis of Web Magazines' Visitorship -- Part II: Intellectual Roots of the Alt-Right -- From Right-Wing Extremism to the Postpaleos -- Crystallization of the Alt-Right from 2000 to 2016 -- Part III: Alt-Right Ideology -- Primer on Ideologies -- The Alt-Right on the Foundational Principles of American Politics -- Racialism -- Anti-Americanism -- The Alt-Lite, Breitbart, Bannon, and Trump -- Conclusion: The Alt-Right and the Future of American Democratic Discourse -- Notes -- Index -- Back Flap -- Back Cover

Introduction -- The alt-right's goals and predecessors -- The first wave of the alt-right -- The alt-right returns -- The alt-right attack on the conservative movement -- The alt-right and the 2016 election -- The "alt-lite" -- Conclusion

The alt-right movement in the US has actively been endorsing the use of left theory to achieve its ends. This book asks if the alt-right's reference of left theory is just bad reading, in addition to drawing on the history of right-wing readings of left theory to unpack recent developments and consider their impact on future theory.

The New Right movements known as the American Alt-Right regularly appeal to resilience and resistance. In this research we examine whether and how they include resilience thinking in their discourses. We analyse Alt-Right discourses on indigeneity, frequently enunciated as the survival of race, on social norms, with a focus on gender, as well as on power and democracy to uncover the role played by resilience thinking. It is found that an illiberal 'reactionary resilience' is clearly manifest and linked to 1930s as well as newer ideas of identity, nature and politics. It plays an unlikely and important role in coagulating Alt-Right ideas of identity, survival and struggle in particular. Further, resilience as an assumption linked to nature as well as an operational concept, plays key roles in framing the publicly acceptable face of Alt-Right arguments and as a strategic and personal ethos in resisting social and political change.

AbstractThis essay offers a philosophical analysis of the misogyny women experience in the alternative right (alt-right) movement. I argue that this misogyny takes on a paradoxical form: the better alt-right women propagandists promote hate, the greater the hostility they experience from their fellow racists and critics; the more submissive women alt-right members become, the harsher the impact of misogyny on them. I develop this argument in four parts. Part I explores the self-conception of racist white women using the concept of social imaginaries. Part II describes three dominant images in racist propaganda—the goddess/victim, wife and mother, and the female activist—which inform the more popular images of the white power Barbie and the tradwife in the alt-right. Part III explores the misogyny paradox and presents how alt-right women could be seen as both misogynists and victims of misogyny. Part IV reflects on the absurdity of the alt-right's dependence on women's economic labor, a feature that could make the movement vulnerable to political intervention.

The 2016 U.S. presidential election coincided with the rise of the "alternative right" or "alt-right". Alt-right associates have wielded considerable influence on the current administration and on social discourse, but the movement's loose organizational structure has led to disparate portrayals of its members' psychology and made it difficult to decipher its aims and reach. To systematically explore the alt-right's psychology, we recruited two U.S. samples: An exploratory sample through MTurk (N = 827, N(alt-right) = 447), and a larger nationally representative sample through the National Opinion Research Center's Amerispeak panel (N = 1283, N(alt-right) = 71 – 160, depending on the definition). We estimate that 6% of the U.S. population and 10% of Trump voters identify as alt-right. Alt-right adherents reported a psychological profile more reflective of the desire for group-based dominance than economic anxiety. Although both the alt-right and non-alt-right Trump voters differed substantially from non-alt-right non-Trump-voters, the alt-right and Trump voters were quite similar, differing mainly in the alt-right's especially high enthusiasm for Trump, suspicion of mainstream media, trust in alternative media, and desire for collective action on behalf of Whites. We argue for renewed consideration of overt forms of bias in contemporary intergroup research.