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The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

Main concepts: human rights, natural and positive rights, national defense system of the Republic of Lithuania, Lithuanian army, statutes, European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), USSR armament, control model, etatism, humanism, unstatutory intercourse, statutory servant, discipline. Summary: work name and main concepts used in this work are given in the summary. It is described, what author analyses in this work, what influences on human rights' institution and it's development tendencies, what attitudes he has when writing this work. The essence of human rights and problems of its implementation and protection are provided. Human rights in common sense might be understood as a complex of values, involving rights/liberties and duties of an individual. External development, external and internal state changes, model of state government, ruling ideology lets to analyze human rights in various aspects. Human rights' institution in armament of USSR and independent Lithuania are analyzed and compared. Regulation of human rights and protection development tendencies and singularities are revealed by analyzing doctrines of dominant natural rights and positive etatism, historical circumstances, models of state government, their influence on human rights institution as well as emphasizing implementation of human rights in army. An attitude, that soviet heritage has an influence today, is kept in the work. The origin of unstatutory intercourse, determining restrictions and violations of soldiers' human rights, also was influenced by intercourse of soldiers at army during soviet time. On the basis of analyzed legal bases and accomplished sociological research (designated for human rights at national defense system) a conclusion is made, that different model of state/army government, state history, dominant ideology, legal doctrine, state becoming a part of an international community has an impact on regulation of human rights and its development. However, an influence of soviet heritage in the army is felt, soldiers' opinion researches reveal different weaknesses, which Lithuania still meets in the range of protection of human rights

Main concepts: human rights, natural and positive rights, national defense system of the Republic of Lithuania, Lithuanian army, statutes, European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), USSR armament, control model, etatism, humanism, unstatutory intercourse, statutory servant, discipline. Summary: work name and main concepts used in this work are given in the summary. It is described, what author analyses in this work, what influences on human rights' institution and it's development tendencies, what attitudes he has when writing this work. The essence of human rights and problems of its implementation and protection are provided. Human rights in common sense might be understood as a complex of values, involving rights/liberties and duties of an individual. External development, external and internal state changes, model of state government, ruling ideology lets to analyze human rights in various aspects. Human rights' institution in armament of USSR and independent Lithuania are analyzed and compared. Regulation of human rights and protection development tendencies and singularities are revealed by analyzing doctrines of dominant natural rights and positive etatism, historical circumstances, models of state government, their influence on human rights institution as well as emphasizing implementation of human rights in army. An attitude, that soviet heritage has an influence today, is kept in the work. The origin of unstatutory intercourse, determining restrictions and violations of soldiers' human rights, also was influenced by intercourse of soldiers at army during soviet time. On the basis of analyzed legal bases and accomplished sociological research (designated for human rights at national defense system) a conclusion is made, that different model of state/army government, state history, dominant ideology, legal doctrine, state becoming a part of an international community has an impact on regulation of human rights and its development. However, an influence of soviet heritage in the army is felt, soldiers' opinion researches reveal different weaknesses, which Lithuania still meets in the range of protection of human rights

After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country's policy in the later years of independence, it's not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy of state's interests over the individual rights in the context of internal policy gives the basis to claim that human rights are not compatible with internal state sovereignty and state sovereignty which reflects the interests of state is a higher value in the internal policy. The empirical data also indicates that human rights and internal state sovereignty are compatible with each other when the interests of state include the duty to protect the human rights.

After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country's policy in the later years of independence, it's not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy of state's interests over the individual rights in the context of internal policy gives the basis to claim that human rights are not compatible with internal state sovereignty and state sovereignty which reflects the interests of state is a higher value in the internal policy. The empirical data also indicates that human rights and internal state sovereignty are compatible with each other when the interests of state include the duty to protect the human rights.

After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country's policy in the later years of independence, it's not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy of state's interests over the individual rights in the context of internal policy gives the basis to claim that human rights are not compatible with internal state sovereignty and state sovereignty which reflects the interests of state is a higher value in the internal policy. The empirical data also indicates that human rights and internal state sovereignty are compatible with each other when the interests of state include the duty to protect the human rights.

After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country's policy in the later years of independence, it's not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy of state's interests over the individual rights in the context of internal policy gives the basis to claim that human rights are not compatible with internal state sovereignty and state sovereignty which reflects the interests of state is a higher value in the internal policy. The empirical data also indicates that human rights and internal state sovereignty are compatible with each other when the interests of state include the duty to protect the human rights.

Adapted from the source document.

The object of this paper is the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The problem of the research – the Human Rights Policy in the Visegrad countries – is a relatively new and hardly explored subject, although it is an integral part of the general post-communistic transformation. The research problem is characterized by the fact that in the sphere of human rights of the Visegrad countries, no tradition of intellectual and practical political tradition occur, and their newly formulated policies on human rights are not based on the ethos that could be considered standard or finished by the international community. The EU requirements and pressure were the main external factors boosting the development of the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The aim of the paper is to analyze the factors that led to the peculiarities of the national human rights policy in the Visegrad countries, and their integration to the international human rights policy. In order to reveal the above-mentioned aim, the following tasks have been formed: to reveal the characteristics of the human rights regime, as well as its legal and institutional structures; to reflect the effectiveness and effect of the protection of human rights in Europe; to assess the institutional transformations that have taken place in the national human rights policy of the Visegrad countries; to analyze the relationship between the Visegrad countries and a society in shaping the national policies on human rights; to examine the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in the international human rights policy. After the research, in which the paper theme, its breadth, complexity, diversity and topics have been considered, a descriptive-analytical, and data analysis, as well as the semi-structured interview techniques, have been used to formulate the following conclusions. The conclusions describe the characteristics of the European human rights regime in the legal and institutional structures, as well as the lack of the accountability of legal institutions and countries, which encodes the possibility for the countries to independently choose the mechanisms and national measures for the human rights policy implementation. The features of the effective European Human Rights activity – an adequate response to the significant social problems, flexible diplomacy, as well as legal and political initiatives – can be observed. The documents connected with the human rights issue ratified by the Visegrad countries often reveal a sort of distinction between the state and its citizens, as well as its citizens and people. The remnants of the communist relics and the weak current policies on human rights lead to the passivity of a civil society in the political discourse. The research of the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in international human rights missions/programs and organizations, has disclosed the tendency of the transformational period, i.e. the orientation towards the general context of the EU foreign policy.

The object of this paper is the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The problem of the research – the Human Rights Policy in the Visegrad countries – is a relatively new and hardly explored subject, although it is an integral part of the general post-communistic transformation. The research problem is characterized by the fact that in the sphere of human rights of the Visegrad countries, no tradition of intellectual and practical political tradition occur, and their newly formulated policies on human rights are not based on the ethos that could be considered standard or finished by the international community. The EU requirements and pressure were the main external factors boosting the development of the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The aim of the paper is to analyze the factors that led to the peculiarities of the national human rights policy in the Visegrad countries, and their integration to the international human rights policy. In order to reveal the above-mentioned aim, the following tasks have been formed: to reveal the characteristics of the human rights regime, as well as its legal and institutional structures; to reflect the effectiveness and effect of the protection of human rights in Europe; to assess the institutional transformations that have taken place in the national human rights policy of the Visegrad countries; to analyze the relationship between the Visegrad countries and a society in shaping the national policies on human rights; to examine the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in the international human rights policy. After the research, in which the paper theme, its breadth, complexity, diversity and topics have been considered, a descriptive-analytical, and data analysis, as well as the semi-structured interview techniques, have been used to formulate the following conclusions. The conclusions describe the characteristics of the European human rights regime in the legal and institutional structures, as well as the lack of the accountability of legal institutions and countries, which encodes the possibility for the countries to independently choose the mechanisms and national measures for the human rights policy implementation. The features of the effective European Human Rights activity – an adequate response to the significant social problems, flexible diplomacy, as well as legal and political initiatives – can be observed. The documents connected with the human rights issue ratified by the Visegrad countries often reveal a sort of distinction between the state and its citizens, as well as its citizens and people. The remnants of the communist relics and the weak current policies on human rights lead to the passivity of a civil society in the political discourse. The research of the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in international human rights missions/programs and organizations, has disclosed the tendency of the transformational period, i.e. the orientation towards the general context of the EU foreign policy.

The object of this paper is the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The problem of the research – the Human Rights Policy in the Visegrad countries – is a relatively new and hardly explored subject, although it is an integral part of the general post-communistic transformation. The research problem is characterized by the fact that in the sphere of human rights of the Visegrad countries, no tradition of intellectual and practical political tradition occur, and their newly formulated policies on human rights are not based on the ethos that could be considered standard or finished by the international community. The EU requirements and pressure were the main external factors boosting the development of the human rights policy in the Visegrad countries. The aim of the paper is to analyze the factors that led to the peculiarities of the national human rights policy in the Visegrad countries, and their integration to the international human rights policy. In order to reveal the above-mentioned aim, the following tasks have been formed: to reveal the characteristics of the human rights regime, as well as its legal and institutional structures; to reflect the effectiveness and effect of the protection of human rights in Europe; to assess the institutional transformations that have taken place in the national human rights policy of the Visegrad countries; to analyze the relationship between the Visegrad countries and a society in shaping the national policies on human rights; to examine the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in the international human rights policy. After the research, in which the paper theme, its breadth, complexity, diversity and topics have been considered, a descriptive-analytical, and data analysis, as well as the semi-structured interview techniques, have been used to formulate the following conclusions. The conclusions describe the characteristics of the European human rights regime in the legal and institutional structures, as well as the lack of the accountability of legal institutions and countries, which encodes the possibility for the countries to independently choose the mechanisms and national measures for the human rights policy implementation. The features of the effective European Human Rights activity – an adequate response to the significant social problems, flexible diplomacy, as well as legal and political initiatives – can be observed. The documents connected with the human rights issue ratified by the Visegrad countries often reveal a sort of distinction between the state and its citizens, as well as its citizens and people. The remnants of the communist relics and the weak current policies on human rights lead to the passivity of a civil society in the political discourse. The research of the participation of the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia and Hungary in international human rights missions/programs and organizations, has disclosed the tendency of the transformational period, i.e. the orientation towards the general context of the EU foreign policy.

Although intellectual property value can be very high, due to the inflexibility of the banking sector, financing based on the pledge of intellectual property rights is underdeveloped in almost all countries of the world due to understandable creditors need to avoid the risks. For this reason, the aim of this work is to identify and investigate the problems associated with the pledge of intellectual property rights and to examine the possibilities of pledging different intellectual property rights. First chapter analyses different objects of intellectual property rights (plant variates, copyright and related rights, designs, tradenames, trade secrets, patents and trademarks) that can be the object of a pledge. Issues that may arise in order to pledge these objects, as well as, national and international protection and their compatibility with property law are discussed. Also, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union, the General Court of the European Union and the Supreme Court of Lithuania related to intellectual property rights and pledge issues are discussed. Second chapter reviews the main methods of assessing the value of intellectual property rights used in practice, such as qualitative and quantitative valuations, their methods and how they could be applied in practice to pledge intellectual property rights. Third chapter, discusses the end of the pledge of intellectual property rights and the basics of realization of pledged intellectual property rights. Issues of applicable law related to international agreements on the pledge of intellectual property rights are also discussed.