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Lately there have been works that show that Kant bases human rights on innate freedom as the only innate right that man has by virtue of his humanity. However, innate freedom cannot justify a theory of human rights because it is only an innate right over my inner self that allows for empirical possession, and although a human right is inalienable, it must be renounced in order to enter the world; Moreover, the four analytical derivations of innate freedom generate consequences that are incompatible with a human rights doctrine, for as human rights refer to all, innate equality and innate independence apply to a limited number of people; Finally, there is a differentiation in the interpretation of humanity's formula in law and ethics, because, subjectively, treating humanity as an end requires the agent to consider that the end of humanity is the motive of his action in ethics, but in law it is only required that its external behavior be in accordance with the end of humanity, and objectively, in law, treating humanity as an end produces criminal law contrary to human rights and the law of humanity requires that innate integrity be suspended during the period of condemnation, furthermore, this differentiation in the idea of ​​humanity becomes explicit in innate imprehensibility, for in ethics lie is the greatest violation of the duty of humanity in his person, but in law only violates the right of humanity if it causes harm to others.

In this article we try to show the troublesome relation between biopolitcs, biopower and human rights in Michel Foucault. The notion of right is a classical notion, insofar as it pertains to the juridical conception of politics and to the techniques of sovereign power. On the other side, the idea of the human animal as human being appears only in Modernity, within the different dispositives that constitute what Foucault called the modern biopower. Therefore, talking of human rights one puts together the idea of right and the idea of human being, i.e. two notions belonging to two historically distinct techniques of power. In the awareness of this distinction, one has to question why Foucault, in face of what was going on in his days, did nevertheless appeal – against governments – to the rights of those who are governed. Classical right may have nothing to do with biopolitics; however with regard to the so-called human rights we cannot claim the same.

This article intends to approach, for a philosophical bias, the problem of Human Rights enunciated in Declarations of the XVIII and XX centuries. The basic question is human rights based on the "ideal of humanity" or "human dignity", considering two ideas: 1) the paradox of the 'Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen' and the notion that one feels only a human "With guaranteed rights someone who sees himself contemplated in the legal scope of a nation. 2) Humanity as a "great family" (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948), and the world as "great nation". Therefore, we promote in this work a debate between three thinkers: Diderot, with his notion of the general will of the human race; Rousseau, with his refutation of Diderot's thesis, denying that there is a "natural or general society among men"; And Kant, who in his 'Perpetual Peace', in his own way, takes up the notion of cosmopolitanism denied by Rousseau and points to the possibility of the right to extend to all mankind.

Synchronous alter-ego. Doubling and alternative in the work of Neurosis and Tribes of Neurot

This paper concerns at "doubleness" in work of Neurosis and Tribes of Neurot. The activity of both groups seems to be simultaneous: the same artists in the both bands, the same names of their albums, the same trakclists, similar cover designs suggest to treat it not as different ventures but as a significant dual artistic project. Parallel between simultaneous albums of Neurosis and Tribe of Neurot makes an impression of disturbing presence of unclear alterego in their music.

In the current debate on human rights, the political conception is attractive in its ability to try to find solutions to the central questions and problems, which the orthodox conception has difficulties in solving, because of its own nature (the political formulation of human rights) it does not need a moral foundation that is independent of the recognition established by international law and practice. On the one hand, it is necessary to recognize that the current practice and the international doctrine consider human rights as tools addressed, mainly, to establish the limits of the legitimate sovereignty of the state, thus, recognizing the plausibility of the political conception. On the other hand, the article intends to show that this specific function, while important, should not exhaust all that human rights perform. Therefore, the political conception runs the serious risk of weakening the normative force of human rights and conflating two different agendas, that of human rights and that of global justice. To go through this argument, first of all, the article presents the contemporary genesis of the political conception of human rights based on the work of John Rawls. Secondly, it focuses on the reformulation given by Raz and Beitz's approaches. Finally, in the third section, I criticize three main assumptions which ground the current paradigm of political conception of human rights.

The objective this article is to investigate the problem of the formalism in moral giving emphasis to G. W. F. Hegel and its Philosophy of Right as proposal of objectivation of the normative contents of acting. The intention is to present the version of Hegel for the problem of the formalism in relation the determination of acting in the sphere ethical, politics and legal. For the concretion of such task it is necessary to investigate the consideration concerning the 'Moralität and Sittlichkeit', estimated basic to build a project stuffed for a 'Philosophy of Right' and the figure of the State politician. The contributions of Hegel to effectuate the proposal of overcoming of the formalism if find in 'Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts: Über die wissenscaftischen Behandlungsarten der Naturrechts and Phänomenologie des Geistes'. The author apresents a clarification some of the main aspects in such a way of the objections how much of the attempts of reply to the problem.

Neste trabalho, analisam-se as estratégias do Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL) na internet, com base em diálogo com membros filiados, análise quantitativa de dados on-line e revisão de publicações sobre o tema. Para tanto, foi construída uma dupla linha de investigação, associando extração e análise de uma amostra representativa do conteúdo imagético publicado em redes sociais a diálogo e investigações de vertente etnográfica. Levantamos as hipóteses de que o movimento utiliza a linguagem de memes para fazer apelos constantes aos cidadãos na rede, apostando em canais de comunicação direta, incentivando narrativas pessoais sobre a política e refletindo uma agenda liberal/libertária positiva. ; This paper analyses MBL's (Free Brazil Movement) internet campaigning strategies, based on dialogs with members, online data quantitative analysis and a review of postings related to that theme. For such, we elaborated a dual investigative plan, associating the selection and analysis of a representative sample of images posted on social network sites with ethnographic investigations. We hypothesise that the movement uses meme language to make constant appeals to average citizens, using direct communication channels and fostering personal narratives about politics and reflecting a liberal/libertarian positive agenda.

The anti-vaccination movement, which has been present worldwide for nearly two hundred years, has become an extraordinarily visible movement of protest against the announced COVID-19 pandemic and mass vaccination against SARS-CoV-2. The National Association for Knowledge on Vaccine STOP NOP, known for years – during a pandemic – along with echo chambers in alt-internet resonating anti-COVID, anti-mask and anti-vaccine propaganda, has become one of the main participants in the COVID discourse effectively influencing the opinions, attitudes and behaviors of Poles towards the virus, COVID restrictions and vaccines.