Recently an app contest was organized, much in the vain of the "Apps for Democracy" initiative in Washington DC, called "Apps For Amsterdam". This was a partnership between the City of Amsterdam, Waag Society (Media Lab), and Hack de Overheid (a coders' open data community initiative). In this field note we will explore the process, the enthusiasm, the difficulties and results of this initiative.
Die gemeinschaftliche Umweltpolitik in der Europäischen Union steht in der Kritik: So werden die EU-Maßnahmen häufig angesichts der europäischen Umweltprobleme als unzureichend kritisiert, gleichzeitig soll die Union den Mitgliedstaaten aber einen möglichst großen Handlungsspielraum belassen. Auch bei den Maastricht-Il- Verhandlungen im letzten Jahr in Amsterdam stand die Gemeinsame Umweltpolitik auf der Tagesordnung. Konnten hier Fortschritte erzielt werden?
"Urban Sharing in Amsterdam" explores the landscape of the sharing economy in the city context. This research is a result of a Mobile Research Lab conducted by 7 researchers from Lund university in 2019. Specific focus is on three sectors: sharing of space, mobility and physical goods. For each sector, we discuss the drivers and barriers to the sharing economy, the associated sustainability impacts,the potential impacts on incumbent sectors, and the institutional context of sharing. Then, attention is turned to the role of the city council in engaging with the sharing economy and specific governance mechanisms employed by the city council aredescribed.Since the sharing economy is not sustainable by default, urban sharing organisations, city governments and incumbents all have important roles to play in ensuring that the sharing economy positively impacts cities and their citizens. In the face of negative perceptions and possible impacts of the sharing economy, we may need to be more deliberate in thinking in terms of scaling the sharing economy to the size, needs, and capacities of cities. Insights contained within this report may support the City of Amsterdam and other Sharing Cities, as well as urban sharing organisations and third-party actors in Amsterdam and beyond in their strategic work with the sharing economy for sustainability.
Arnong the ten institutions of academic education existing in the Netherlands prior to World War II, the Univcrsity of Amsterdam stood out as the only one run by a city. Its professors were appointed by the Mayor and City Council of Amsterdam, whose attitudes were traditionally more liberal than elsewhere in the country. Due to this fact, but also because of its cosmopolitan student clientele, the University of Amsterdam gained a reputation to be sliglitly unconventional - without giving up the traditional Dutch reluctance to !et politics enter the sacred halls of science. When the Germans occupied Holland in May 1940, all universities were confronted with a dilemma. Should they actively take part in political protests against the prosecution of Jews and the recruitment of Dutch forced labor by Nazi authorities? Or should they steer a more cautious course, waiting till German oppression left no other way but open resistance? The University of Amsterdam opted for the latter, under the guidance of two rectors (Brouwer and Deelmaan) whose mind was fixated on the need to maintain order and discipline. However, there were courageous acts of civil disobedience of individual academics, professors as well as students. Consequently, many of them died in German concentration camps. Students who awaited the end of the War in Amsterdam had the opportunity to follow clandestine courses held by professors living as "submarines". After the liberation of Holland, such "underground studies" were officially recognized by academic authorities. Like all other Dutch Universities the University of Amsterdam redefined its public role after 1945, accepting a high degree of responsibility for a prospering democratic society. ; Arnong the ten institutions of academic education existing in the Netherlands prior to World War II, the Univcrsity of Amsterdam stood out as the only one run by a city. Its professors were appointed by the Mayor and City Council of Amsterdam, whose attitudes were traditionally more liberal than elsewhere in the country. Due to this fact, but also because of its cosmopolitan student clientele, the University of Amsterdam gained a reputation to be sliglitly unconventional - without giving up the traditional Dutch reluctance to !et politics enter the sacred halls of science. When the Germans occupied Holland in May 1940, all universities were confronted with a dilemma. Should they actively take part in political protests against the prosecution of Jews and the recruitment of Dutch forced labor by Nazi authorities? Or should they steer a more cautious course, waiting till German oppression left no other way but open resistance? The University of Amsterdam opted for the latter, under the guidance of two rectors (Brouwer and Deelmaan) whose mind was fixated on the need to maintain order and discipline. However, there were courageous acts of civil disobedience of individual academics, professors as well as students. Consequently, many of them died in German concentration camps. Students who awaited the end of the War in Amsterdam had the opportunity to follow clandestine courses held by professors living as "submarines". After the liberation of Holland, such "underground studies" were officially recognized by academic authorities. Like all other Dutch Universities the University of Amsterdam redefined its public role after 1945, accepting a high degree of responsibility for a prospering democratic society.