Suchergebnisse

The influence of Roman culture on today's civilization, including education, is immeasurable. The modern education system is inconceivable without Roman foundations, which range from Latin as the root of modern scientific terminology to the content of contemporary curricula having many similarities with Roman education. Daily life and practical tasks played an important role in ancient Rome, and the importance of acquiring competences that can be described as expertise, professionalism, and the ability to apply knowledge is emphasised nowadays. The contemporary curriculum is focused on the practical and this is where we find a link to Roman education, which puts practicality and usefulness to the forefront. In this paper, we provide an overview of the history of Roman education by linking it to the modern education system, with an emphasis on formal, non-formal, and informal education and learning. We consider the need to develop programmes which emphasise the practical in primary, secondary, and higher education, the need to strengthen the entrepreneurial competences of students, develop trainings and education for entrepreneurship through formal, non-formal, and informal education and learning, encourage entrepreneurial education in the national context, and transform traditional schools and universities to entrepreneurial ones. ; Utjecaj je rimske kulture na današnju civilizaciju, pa tako i obrazovanje, nemjerljiv. Suvremeni sustav odgoja i obrazovanja nezamisliv je bez rimskih temelja, počevši od suvremene znanstvene terminologije utemeljene velikim dijelom u latinskom jeziku, do samog sadržaja suvremenog kurikula u kojem pronalazimo brojne sličnosti s rimskim odgojem i obrazovanjem. U starorimskom su odgoju svakodnevni život i praktični zadaci imali važnu ulogu, kao što je danas naglašena važnost stjecanja kompetencija koje se mogu opisati upravo kao stručnost, profesionalnost i sposobnost primjene stečenoga znanja. Iz suvremenog kurikula iščitava se usmjerenost prema praktičnom i tu pronalazimo poveznicu s rimskim odgojem, koji je prije svega ono praktično i korisno stavljao u prvi plan. U ovom ćemo radu pružiti pregled povijesti rimskog odgoja i obrazovanja povezujući ga sa suvremenim sustavom obrazovanja, uz naglasak na formalno, neformalno i informalno obrazovanje i učenje. Razmatra se potreba razvoja programa s naglaskom na praktično u osnovnom, srednjem i visokom školstvu, potreba jačanja poduzetničkih kompetencija učenika i studenata, osposobljavanje i obrazovanje za poduzetništvo putem formalnog, neformalnog i informalnog obrazovanja i učenja, poticanje poduzetničkog obrazovanja u nacionalnom kontekstu, transformacije škola i sveučilišta iz tradicionalnih u poduzetničke.

In searching for a consistent theoretical framework of the political science understanding of the state, one should rely on valid substantial & methodological markers. The author identifies them in this article by means of a critical & productive dialogue with three major contemporary contributions to the pertinent understanding of the state: the theory of the state by A. Passerin d'Entreves, the history of states by B. Barret-Kriegel & the history of the modern concept of the state by Q. Skinner. In the first part of the article their key insights into the (modern) state are briefly outlined. The seminal work is that by Passerin d'Entreves, in which he presents the categorial set essential for a comprehensive understanding of the state in general, & the logic of sovereignty in particular. The state as such should be understood as might or force (from the perspective of effectiveness), as power (from the perspective of legality), & finally as authority (from the perspective of legitimacy). To conceptually define the state, comprehensively & accurately, means to be able to explain & understand how force (or might), first legalized as power, gains legitimacy in the form of authority. The concept of sovereignty marks the transepochal project of the transformation of might into power through the mediation of law which subjects it to laws. These key insights are made more precise & are partly corrected by the research done by Barret-Kriegel & Q. Skinner. The sovereign state is a doubly abstract public authority & is not a transepochal category but an epochal legal-political project, modernity's distinguishing feature. The sovereign state is an epochal political novum, as it is the first organization of political power in history that self-limits its might to ensure personal security & independence of citizens as legal subjects. As a notion of the rational & legitimate power it historically affirms itself as an antithesis to oriental despotism & the ancient patrimonial-seniorical regime. References. Adapted from the source document.

Nationalism is sometimes said to be too varied a phenomenon to be easily defined, let alone reduced to the generalizations of political theory. One analyst, after studying the subject over a lifetime without being able to pin it down, threw up his hands & observed that a nation is any group of people who think themselves to be one. Democracy too is a controversial term, differing in ancient & modern usage & all the more ambiguous because of its cynical misappropriation by autocratic regimes. Despite these difficulties, both concepts denote forces too important to modern history to be excluded from theoretical scrutiny. The present inquiry will propose a framework for analysis, focus on the US as a leading protagonist of both forces, & conclude by considering their interaction in a changing world order -- marked, paradoxically, by the conflicting pressures of "globalization" & demands for the preservation of separate spheres of identity. Thematically, it will suggest that civic or political nationalism, as distinct from other potentially more malevolent forms, is compatible with democracy & a useful instrument of collective action, domestic & interstate, but that all forms of nationalism can pose serious dangers if taken to an extreme. Adapted from the source document.

Nationalism is sometimes said to be too varied a phenomenon to be easily defined, let alone reduced to the generalizations of political theory. One analyst, after studying the subject over a lifetime without being able to pin it down, threw up his hands & observed that a nation is any group of people who think themselves to be one. Democracy too is a controversial term, differing in ancient & modern usage & all the more ambiguous because of its cynical misappropriation by autocratic regimes. Despite these difficulties, both concepts denote forces too important to modern history to be excluded from theoretical scrutiny. The present inquiry will propose a framework for analysis, focus on the US as a leading protagonist of both forces, & conclude by considering their interaction in a changing world order -- marked, paradoxically, by the conflicting pressures of "globalization" & demands for the preservation of separate spheres of identity. Thematically, it will suggest that civic or political nationalism, as distinct from other potentially more malevolent forms, is compatible with democracy & a useful instrument of collective action, domestic & interstate, but that all forms of nationalism can pose serious dangers if taken to an extreme. Adapted from the source document.

Na sjevernim gradskim bedemima Salone započet je novi projekt obnove jedinstvenog spomenika fortifikacijske arhitekture. Izvorno podignut za vrijeme cara Marka Aurelija 170. g., tijekom posljednjih stoljeća antike, stalno se popravlja i dograđuje novim zidnim pojačanjima, mnogobrojnim istaknutim kulama i trokutastim bastionima. Ponovno otkriven perimetralni plašt, na pojedinim mjestima sačuvan u punoj veličini sto jasno pokazuje znatnu moć antičkog graditeljstva, pridonijeti ce osvjetljivanju urbanističkog razvoja glavnoga grada rimske provincije Dalmacije. ; The ruins of Salona, capital of the Roman Province of Dalmatia, have long drawn the attention of many scientists, whose first efforts were concerned with establishing the original size and appearance of the city. D. Farlati, C. Lanza and V. Andrić drew ground plans of the remains which were visible at the time. However, F. Carrara started the first systematic topographic research in 1846, and his ground plan is still used today as a basis for insights into the history of ancient Salona. The city's irregular shape was enclosed by walls with a total length of 4,077 metres, fortified with towers of which 88 have been rediscovered. During his research, F. Carrara discovered several city gates which had been previously unknown (Porta Andetria, Porta Caesarea, Porta Suburbia, Porta Capraria and the Western Gate). He made more detailed excavations in the north-eastern part of the city, where the remains of walls and towers, up to 33 feet high, were best preserved. He noticed various fortification elements - several layers of walls and towers, some with adjoining triangular bastions. He considered the first phase of the fortification to have been completed as early as the 2nd century BC, and several inscriptions showed that parts of the walls were built during the reign of Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Carrara observed that the walls had been considerably reinforced by the addition of towers during Diocletian's time. He believed that the triangular bastions were the final element of Salona's fortification. The inscription (CJL JII 1984) suggests that these were probably added when all the towers were renovated, during the rule of Theodosius II. E. Dyggve also researched the walls of Salona and came to more or less the same conclusions. Dyggve was most interested in the urban development of Salona; he established the location of the oldest, central part of the city and described the eastward and westward spread of urban development. Some authors, including W. Gerber and H. Kahler, have investigated the oldest city gate, the Porta Caesarea, and made suggestions for its reconstruction. H. Kahler also examined the visible parts of the walls which had been excavated at that time near the Porta Caesarea and in the north-east part of city, and tried to establish a relative chronology. D. Rendić Miočević paid particular attention to the oldest part of Salona and discovered a square corner tower at the junction of the northern and eastern walls. The Split Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture commenced protective conservation work on the northern ramparts in 1997. After a considerable time a neglected stretch of wall, reinforced by numerous towers, was exposed to view north of Porta Andetria up to the corner where it turns towards Porta Caesarea. Don F. Bulić had constructed a walkway on the inside of the walls from this point, connecting the north-east and north-west corners of the city. The walls were at that time mostly half-concealed with earth, but some segments, preserved up to their original height, were left visible. Two significant segments of the excavated ruins of the northern walls are particularly impressive: one is the complex at Bilankuša with towers nos. 78-81 which have already been investigated; the other is part of the outer shell and its associated towers, nos. 53-60, which remain at almost their original height. Preventative conservation work has been done on the weakened and uncovered walls, after completion of survey, of photogrammetric, architectural and geophysical records and research. Many fragments of inscriptions and architectural decorations were discovered during this work, mainly material from tombstones which had been re-incorporated into later structures. They came probably from the ancient necropolis which stretched along the ancient street from Porta Caesarea to the north-east, an area which was later incorporated in the secondary ring of walls (the Urbs orientalis). Further inscriptions discovered on the walls between towers 74 and 75 showed that Emperor Marcus Aurelius (CIL III 8570, 6374) was responsible for their construction. About ten late-antique amphorae, mostly spatheia dating from the 5th to the 7th centuries, were discovered in the in-fill immediately behind this original segment of the wall, which has been accurately dated from the inscriptions. The fact that they were found in the in-fill between two walls indicates that major repair work had been undertaken on the fortifications. Similar secondary use of amphorae in the Salona fortification system had been found earlier near tower no. 60. These were of types Dressel 32 and 34, dated between the 4th and the 5th centuries, but remained in use until much later. The complex defence system of the ancient Salona consisted of a series of elements which today provide better insight into the inception and development of the city. It has not been established precisely when the walls of Salona were first built, nor when the Italics and the Romans settled permanently and created their own town on the territory of the indigenous Dalmatic settlement and the of Issaian emporium. Research to date clearly indicates that old lines of communication were respected and that the town followed the contours of the terrain at its inception, as is clear from the irregular shape of the perimeter walls which were built in accordance with contemporary building practise, and the skill of military architects. A new city gate, Porta Caesarea, flanked by octagonal towers, was made in the existing walls at the beginning of the Empire. An aqueduct constructed above the city gate and associated cisterns provided exceptional fire protection of the most vulnerable segment of the fortifications. The threat of barbarian attack led to the construction of a new ring of walls during Marcus Aurelius' reign by the locally stationed military units coh I Del and coh II Del, and by vexilationes leg II Piae et III Concordiae who were urgently summoned from the Province of Pannonia. Inscriptions on the wall show clearly that some sections were built under supervision of the military commanders of these units and that there was simultaneous work on several sections (CIL III 1979, 1980, 8570, 6374). Relatively few towers were built when the walls were first constructed. More were created when new dangers became apparent, especially on the northern ramparts which were naturally most exposed to the enemy. The date of their construction is an open question: it is likely that most were built before the beginning of the 5th century, because there is evidence that they were renovated around that time (CIL III 1984). Further research is needed to establish whether the triangular bastions were added during the renovation, or whether they were built during military operations associated with the Gothic-Byzantine wars. Walls were occasionally strengthened where the defences were weak or for better communication between the protruding towers. The laws of the period (Cod. Theod, XI, 17, 4; XV, l, 49) assigned continuing responsibility for renovation and upkeep of the walls to the community as a whole. During the rule of Theodosius II at the beginning of the 5th century, for example, all the towers, and perhaps all the walls which had been destroyed, were renovated. Constantianos executed emergency repairs to the weakened wails during the Gothic-Byzantine wars, and an outer trench was constructed (Procop. , Bell. Goth. V, 7, 9; 7, 26-31; 16). During the last centuries of the ancient world, the complex defence system around the capital of the Province consisted of walls, doubly reinforced in several places by additional walls, towers and bastions, and by embankments and trenches to form a unique example of fortification architecture. Some segments of the walls of Salona are preserved at their original height of almost ten metres, which show the power and might of ancient architecture, as in other sparsely preserved perimeters of ancient cities such as the walls of Theodosius in Constantinople and of Aurelian in Rome.

Povijest vinograda i uzgoja vinove loze u Hrvatskoj proteže se od davnina, još prije Kristova vremena. S obzirom da se Hrvatska nalazi u zoni s povoljnim uvjetima za uzgoj vinove loze te ima različite klimatske uvjete, velika je raznolikost kultivara, od kojih su neki specifični za naše područje, pa je utvrđeno da su to naše autohtone sorte. U drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća, dolaskom američkih bolesti i filoksere, dolazi do propadanja vinograda, a s time i do velikog broja autohtonih sorti. To nestajanje se nastavlja i danas, ali je uzrokovano mnogim drugim razlozima među kojima su nedovoljna briga i nepostojanje nacionalne politike kojom bi se potaknula revitalizacija nekih vrijednih sorti. Najvažniji znanstveni i stručni rezultati pokazali su da se u Hrvatskoj može pronaći veliki broj autohtonih sorti (oko 130), ali su u ovom radu opisane samo neke. ; The history of vineyards and cultivating of grape wine in Croatia has its roots in ancient times, even B.C. Considering the fact that Croatia is in a zone with favorable conditions for cultivating wine grape, and different climatic conditions, there is a great variety of cultivars, some of which are specific for our area and they have been determined to be our autochthonous sorts. In the second part of the 19th century, with the appearance of the American diseases and phylloxera, vineyards were deteriorating and by that a large number of autochthonous sorts as well. That disappearance continues today, but it is caused by many other reasons, as an insufficient care and the inexistence of a national politics which would encourage revitalization of some valuable sorts. The most important scientific and expert results have shown that a large number of autochthonous sorts (around 130) can be found in Croatia, but this paper describes only some of them.

Using as his starting point Hegel's explanation of the principled differentiation between the "manner of studying" & acquiring actual knowledge in the Antiquity & the Modern Age, the author demonstrates that both Hegel & Husserl, each in his own philosophical fashion, try to link the substantiality of Antiquity & the subjectivity of Modernity as well as to deepen &, consequently, put an end to the one-sidedness, both in the ancient tradition of multi-formity ("des sinnlichen Daseins") & in the modern "abstract form" of the manifesting subjectivity. The notion of "the actual knowledge" as actualization and "spiritualization" of the universal, with Hegel ends in "Selbstbewusstsein" & with Husserls in "phanomenologisches Residuum," representing "das Feld einer neuen Wissenschaft," which Husserl calls "die Phanomenologie der Lebenswelt" & Hegel "die Phanomenologie des Geistes." Hegel & Husserl evolve actual knowledge in the "form of science," which is -- as "Wissenschaft von der Erfahrung des Bewusstseins" -- different from the dogmatic metaphysics, empiricism, & positivism of sciences. "Erfahrung" cannot be reduced to sensory experience; it -- as the source of "des neuen wahren Gegenstandes" -- also represents the experience of human thought & understanding. This already envisions in Hegel's works the rehabilitation of different kinds & ways of genuine knowledge conceived by Aristotle in his Nichomachean Ethics. The author emphasizes the significance of practical knowledge, as extrapolated by Hegel in his philosophy of objective spirit &, particularly, in the notion of "Geist-Kapitel" in his Phenomenology of Spirit -- not in the form of metaphysical definitions taken over by Hegel from the practical philosophy into the speculative one, but for the sake of developing the abilities of the spirit as "reality" in the historical world & its own historical "logic." This peculiar logic of The Phenomenology of Spirit differs from the later Science of Logic like metaphysics. While the latter represents the thinking of the world prior to the creation of the world, The Phenomenology of Spirit makes for the practical philosophy of the historical world of life & requires the development of various kinds of knowledge, especially modern spiritual sciences appropriate for the contemporary reality & world history. Adapted from the source document.

U prilogu se objavljuju i u povijesno umjetnički kontekst stavljaju dva srebrna zidna svijećnjaka s poprsjima antičkih figura uokvirenih prepletima stiliziranog akantusovog lišća, a koji se čuvaju u franjevačkom su samostanu na Trsatu. Posljednji su put svijećnjaci snimljeni prilikom fotodokumentacijske kampanje Artura Schneidera tijekom četvrtog desetljeća 20. stoljeća, a 1974. godine su registrirani kao kulturno dobro u sklopu inventara franjevačkog samostana. Riječ je o vrijednom kompletu srebrnih zidnih svijećnjaka koje je 1693. godine trsatskom samostanu darovao car Svetog rimskog carstva njemačkoga naroda Leopold I. Habsburg (1658.-1705.). U radu se donose izvori kojima se potvrđuje naručitelj svijećnjaka te se analizira nastanak njihove specifične tipologije. Oni se prema načinu oblikovanja i ikonografskoj shemi, a putem sličnih komparativnih primjera, kao i grafičkih predložaka, smještaju u augsburški zlatarski krug. Teza se potvrđuje i zlatarskim žigom grada Augsburga te drugim utisnutim žigom koji upućuje na zlatara Antonija Grilla I., dokumentiranog u tom umjetničkom centru od 1668. do 1700. godine. ; The sanctuary of Our Lady of Trsat is a pilgrimage centre in the northern Adriatic visited for centuries by pilgrims and dignitaries, who brought various artefacts in fulfilment of their vows. Most of the oldest votive objects are today exhibited at the convent's treasury, but the two silver wall candelabra in question remain deposited in the convent's storage. They were first mentioned by Bishop Juraj Franjo Ksaver Marotti in 1710, who wrote that they had been donated to the convent in 1693 by the Emperor Leopold I (1658-1705). Petar Francetić and Klaro Pasconi corroborated this information, and late in the 19th century Julije Janković mentioned that they were standing on marble columns at the main church altar. In the early 20th century, the candelabra were briefly described by Riccardo Gigante, Gjuro Szabo, Apolinar Braničković, and Artur Schneider, but a scholarly study establishing the true value of these precious artefacts was still missing. The candelabra of Trsat used to hang on the wall like paintings, but today they are lacking the holders with candle plates. At their centre, formed of stylized fleshy acanthus leaves made of silver, there are shell-like cavities with applique silver busts of a Roman emperor and a young warrior wearing a helmet. The edge of the cavity under the busts is decorated with an embossed masqueron resembling a lion's head, placed between the curving volutes. By donating the candelabra to the Franciscans of Trsat, Emperor Leopold I. made a political gesture and also continued the tradition started by his predecessor Charles V (1519-1556), who had donated a golden pendulum in the shape of a two-headed eagle decorated with gems in 1536 as a symbol of Pietas Austriaca practiced by members of the Habsburg family from the first half of the 17th century onwards. Candelabra of this type were mostly produced for the private chambers or lavish salons of noble families and similar examples made of various materials are found in museum collections all over Germany and France. Even though the candelabra were intended for religious space, Emperor Leopold I was probably guided in their commission by the idea of expressing his power by iconographically relating himself to the mythology and history of ancient Rome. Thus, the figure of Emperor Augustus should most probably represent the emperor himself, while the young Roman warrior was to impersonate his son Joseph, who was to inherit the imperial throne. Hallmarks have been identified on the candelabra that had previously gone unnoticed and that positively relate them to a particular goldsmith's workshop in Augsburg. One of them has the form of a stylized pinecone, while the other shows a stork with a fish in its beak. This was the hallmark of Antoni Grill I, documented in Augsburg as a master from 1668 until his death in 1700. Even though he stemmed from a family of goldsmiths, whose members had been producing imaginative artefacts for European courts since the mid-16th century, his own identified works are preserved only in a few museums and private collections. Most of them are gilded silver plates with carefully elaborated compositions that reveal great skill in embossing motifs in various depths and their even distribution over the plate surface. The same feature is evident in the candelabra of Trsat. Grill's models possibly included drawings by graphic artists Jakob Wilhelm (Augsburg, documented since 1694-1738) and Leonhard Heckenauer (b. ca. 1655 in Augsburg, d. 1704 in Munich), who likewise belonged to the Augsburg circle of artists. Their maps contain several examples of wall candelabra, with complex compositions and a choice of decorative motifs that bear some similarities with the Trsat ones. Compared to other known examples, the candelabra of Trsat may be considered among the first cases of this typology in the goldsmith circle of Augsburg, and considering their provenance and the importance of their imperial donor, they are certainly special items in the rich heritage of artefacts made of precious metals preserved in the church treasuries of the eastern Adriatic.

Autor u radu donosi prikaz dviju vladarskih crkava iz IX. st. slična ustroja s westwerkom. Uz obje crkve pronađeni su ulomci kamene plastike s dedikacijskim natpisom, od kojih jedan spominje župana a drugi kraljicu. Na Klisu je pronađena ploča s reljefom na temu Majestas Domini. Obje crkve spadaju u privatne crkve, tzv. eigenkirche, što upućuje na novi način franačke organizacije teritorija s utvrđivanjem feudalnog posjeda (Ordensburgen). ; The remains of churches that have been found and are discussed in the text can reliably be ascribed to the chapel of the long-sought Trpimir residence at Klis and the pre-Romanesque stratum of the church dedicated to the BVM at the cemetery of the village of Blizna Gornja in the Trogir hinterland. The find of sculpture and texts written on the altar screens show that in both cases these were churches of members of the medieval ruling elite: the church in Blizna Gornja can be connected with the župan of the županija of Drid, and the chapel in Klis directly with the ruler of Croatia. The existence of a medieval church at Klis is strongly supported by investigations of the walls, which showed that a large number of marble fragments of ecclesiastical stone architectural decoration from the 9th to the 12th century were incorporated into the building of the mosque. Among the fragments there are pilasters, plutei and the trabeation of an altar screen from the early Middle Ages, while the whole of the medieval material is built into the walls of the mosque above its floor level. In the western wall four marble fragments of architraves of an altar screen with parts of an inscription were found, one fragment of a marble architrave of a pluteus and a pilaster with the base of a pillar of the screen. All the fragments of this carving were made of Proconesian marble and were incorporated in such a way that the decorations and inscriptions were not to be seen. The fragments belonged to the septum and contain typical pre-Romanesque interlacing motifs, pretzels, and the parts of an inscription are carved on a ribbon of the trabeation of the altar screen below the characteristic hook decoration. Fragments of the trabeation contain parts of an inscription about a ruler that mentions the royal family, and on an architrave of the altar screen of the church in Klis that has been found, for the first time the title of queen is mentioned. The parts of the altar screen found with interlacing ornamentation of the 9th century belong to a pilaster with interlacing and an architrave of the pluteus with interlacing ornamentation and four fragments of the architrave of the altar screen with parts of a royal inscription. The fragments contain wording with the royal formula: ORUM FILIU(S)., MEA DOM(N)A S(C)LAVA REGINA. Although these are detached pieces, it is very clear that they are part of a single inscription in which the wife of the ruler or king is mentioned. It is clear in this part of the text that the wife of the ruler is called regina, from which it can be concluded that her husband, the subject of the inscription, is a ruler who bears the title of rex. It is important to point out also that she is addressed as domna, and that analogously to this her husband must have been addressed as dominus. From these titles, the votive inscription of the church in Klis might have belonged to a ruler of the middle of the 9th century, probably to Trpimir himself, the only ruler of that time who is mentioned together with the title of king, probably attained through victory in the war with the nation of the Greeks, as reported by the Saxon Gottschalk. And the fragment of the first part of the inscription contained this very title of the ruler (REX SCLAV)ORUM FILIU(S). This would be supported by the inscription in the Cividale Gospel, where Trpimir is signed as »domno Trepimiro«, and the title of his wife really could have been DOMNA SCLAVA REGINA, as this is read from the wording on the architrave of the altar screen. As well as the described parts of the septum, during works on the renovation of the Church of St Vitus a slab with a relief was found built flat as a building stone in the annular wall of the tambour. This fragment of early medieval figural sculpture of Proconesian marble shows Christ in Glory. Preserved from the composition featuring the topic Majestas Domini in the Klis relief is the central figure of Christ in a mandorla and an angel on his right hand side. Christ is shown down to the waist, his right hand raised in blessing, while in the left hand he holds a scroll with the Gospels. The relief from the Klis Church of St Vitus, though modest in its dimensions, might have belonged to the lintel of a portal of an early medieval church, although according to the mortise on the upper part it could equally well be supposed to have been a fragment of some stone furnishing that consisted of pillars and beams. The visual treatment of the relief of the linearly grooved surfaces that suggest folds of clothing, the manner of treatment of the figures with single incision of the features with expressive underlined eyes, the hatched curls of the hair and the particularly characteristic handling of the nose reveal the hand of the skilled mason who made the relief. As for the origin of the relief of the church in Klis, the finding of the medieval royal church in the foundations of the Church of St Vitus and the confirmation of the existence of a fortified royal court at the site of Klis Fort are sufficient warrant that it originally came from Klis. From this it could well be hypothesised that the relief of Christ from the church in Klis belongs to a separate sculptural unit, directly related to this site. Extensive archaeological and conservation-restoration excavations in 1999-2000 preceded the thoroughgoing renovation of the Church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja. Against expectations, the pre-Romanesque architecture of a ruler from the 9th century was found in them, belonging through their form among the few specimens of pre-Romanesque churches with external buttresses of semicircular cross-section. Like similar examples, the Church of St Saviour at the source of the Cetina and the church at Lopuška glava, Biskupija, by Knin, the Church of St Mary in Blizna had a forecourt in front of the main elevation. An external staircase led to the first floor, over which there was probably a tower, as in examples of similar churches with a westwork. In the forecourt of the church the lid of a Roman period sarcophagus used as a gravestone was found. The find of the sarcophagus lid and many fragments of stone sculptural decoration of the 9th century in marble and limestone show that the Church of St Mary was richly endowed and equipped. One of the fragments contains the name and title of the donor: .ANVSIV[panv]S, for which reason it is assumed to have belonged to an altar screen put up by a Croatian magnate, mostly likely a župan. Numerous fragments of trabeation have been found, the beams of which were marble, while the arched tegurium was made of limestone. Fragments of marble plutei and pilasters of the altar screen, as well as pillars with capitals found around the church belong in their form to the sculptural art of the 9th century. Fragments found are enough for the reconstruction of the original appearance of the screen and for an understanding of the inscriptions in the field of the lower part of the gable and the architraves. The inscription is a typical intercession, in which the prayer is addressed to Our Lady and to St John the Baptist, asking for their intercession with Christ, for the salvation of his soul, and the following reading can be proposed: .[pe]R I[nte]RCOESSIONEM BEATE ET GLORIO[se matri]S D[e]I GE[netricis apud Christum satvatOREm SCTAe Mariae] ET BEATI IO[hannis Baptistae] OP[vs] E[dificavit] pro animae suae[reme]DIO V[otum complevit Prod]ANVS IV[ppanu]S. According to the inscription on the septum the church would have been dedicated to St Mary like many of the churches of that time in the early of medieval Croatia, in Golubić, Ostrovica, Biskupija, Gradec, Pađeni and Lepuri. But the inscription relates it in a particular way via the intercession of Mary and John to Christ, to whom the intercession is addressed. The permeation of the contents by the theme of the Madonna's intercession (i.e. the Deisis), typically Byzantine iconography on the one hand and the Sanctus written in the spirit of the revived Roman liturgy on the screens of churches in Trogir as well as the churches of the Croatian župans in the hinterland and on the islands suggest something of their specific political position in the second half of the 9th century at the border between the tradition of the East and the new influences coming from the West. The question arises as to who the donor of the church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja was. Only the ending of the name and the beginning of the title in the letters IV[ppanu]S are in existence. From this it can be assumed that the church was put up by a župan, and his name, which ends with the letters.ANUS, might be Stephanus or, more likely, it was part of some Croatian name that is borne in the documents by the župans, like Branus or Prodanus. According to the results of the most recent research, St Mar in Blizna is a votive church of a Croatian magnate put up in the middle of the 9th century on the remains of an ancient villa that was part of his estate. Analysis of the architecture confirms this. The oldest archaeological stratum found at the site is the remainder of a wall of the later Roman period, probably from the 6th century, in front of the forecourt of the church. This stratum is insufficiently investigated, but it belonged to a building of much greater size than the pre-Romanesque Church of St Mary. The early medieval stratum, of the 9th century, lays claim to the foundations of the church, of a simple rectangular ground plan with semicircular buttresses, and the shallowly founded apse on the bedrock might be a building of later time. A very good state of preservation is exhibited by the walls of the pre-Romanesque building that bound the ground plan, the beginning of the staircase of the atrium, its western and southern doors, while in the interior of the atrium, in front of the façade of the church, a cylindrical sarcophagus lid has been found. The two-storey court, the chapel of the pre-Romanesque church and its undoubtedly funerary purpose in the ground floor part are known in the literature as westwork, and their finding at the site of Blizna Gornja suggests there was a very strong influence from the Carolingian court on the Croatian ruling and aristocratic stratum of the 9th century, to which, along with the actual rulers, it was primarily the župans that belonged. The Church of St Mary on the current graveyard of the village of Blizna Gornja was, then, the church of a magnate, who in his name has the ending anus, most probably Prodan (Prodanus?) or Bran (Branus?) rather than Stjepan (Stephanus), a župan of the županija of Drid of the middle of the 9th century, for at that time along with the titular functions of the Croatian župans their Slavic names were regularly given. This is a typical example of a private church (Eigenkirche), a new legal institution of the Frankish type, put up on the foundations of a renovated Roman period villa, the feudal property of the lord, who used it for ceremonial purposes, as well as a private funeral chapel for him and the members of his immediate family, and hence it was forbidden to bury members of the community at large in its vicinity. Among the process that took hold of Europe in the post-Carolingian period an important place is occupied by the construction of fortified manors, which from the 9th to the 12th century totally changed the image of early medieval Europe. The Croatian ruler, who was at first directly subject to Aquileia, the Frankish ecclesiastical centre in Friuli, must have been directly impressed by the construction of the fortified estates of the marquisate of Friuli, for it was from here that Frankish missionaries arrived in Croatia. Its connection with Frankish church centre even after the abolition of the marquisate in 828 is shown by the pilgrimages of Croatian dukes and their families to the Benedictine monastery of Cividale during the whole of the 8th century. Einhard's Annales mentioned Borna's forts in Dalmatia, into which the duke retreated before the attack of Ljudevit Posavski. Trpimir's royal residence is mentioned in a deed of gift of his of 852. There is an obvious difference in the name of the ruler's residence of Trpimir's time, as mentioned in two texts: one mentions villa nostra, the other curte nostra. The mentioned curtis in the document is called Clusa, which implies the name of the fortress of Klis, which for the whole of its history was in strategic control of the approach to the sea, to ancient Salona and the city of Split. Unlike Klis, which is called a curtis, the name of the villa from the Gottschalk text is not recorded, and it might be to do with some residential complex in the Salona area, or perhaps some place very close to Klis, such as Rižnice, in which Trpimir, wishing to make contrition for his sins, built a monastery and church after the war, at the time of the normalisation of relations with the Romans. The fact is that the concepts of villa and curtis appear at the same time in the mid-9th century in the context of the formation of feuds and manors, although there may be some fundamental difference concealed in them. One and the other may be related to the ruler's residence. The concept of curtis in this sense can be found afterwards, among many examples of the 11th century, when the king's curtis of Rogovi on the lower slopes of the hill by Biograd, or the curtes of the imperial protospatar and ban Stjepan Uitula, Nova sella and Butina ues, as well as many others related to the names of their owners, like that of Vlkomir and Preda in Žrnovnica or Tješen on Brač. Still, in the light of the new research, the curte nostra, quae Clusan dicitur mentioned in Trpimir's deed of gift should be looked at in a completely different context, not only as an estate but also as the residential complex of a feudal ruler.