Suchergebnisse

1 Introduction -- 2 Principal Contributions to the Problems of Distribution and Allocation -- 3 The Theoretical Model Designed for the Practical Allocation of Industries -- 4 The Petrochemical Industry and the Andean Common Market -- 5 The Data Framework Required for the Implementation of the Model -- 6 Allocations of Industries Given Numerical Distributional Constraints -- 7 Allocations of Industries Given Given Generalized Distributional Constraints -- 8 Summary and Conclusions -- Appendices -- Notes.

The Andean Common Market, the most recent attempt at regional integration in Latin America, differs from the other Latin American efforts both in the factors that prompted its formation and in the support it had when it was established. More importantly, it differs in its terms and provisions, providing for a higher level of integration than any other Latin American effort. Several of its features—a common policy on foreign investment, regional planning and coordination in such fields as industry and agriculture, a quasi–supranational secretariat — make it an innovative approach to integration in Latin America. Numerous factors enhance the integrative potential of Andean integration. Among these are relatively favorable ratings on several of the neo–functional variables of regional integration. These indicators suggest that the effort may attain its objectives and perhaps even set an example to be followed by other economic groupings among Latin American countries. Still, projections about the future of the Andean Common Market must remain mixed. Some negative factors exist within the movement that could, if they triumph over the positive factors, lead to the same stagnation that now characterizes LAFTA and the CACM.

Revised and translated from Foro Internacional, Jan./Mar., 1972.

Back in power after nearly twenty years of forced exile, the government of Juan Domingo Per6n fulfilled one of its most popularly acclaimed promises. Following a prolonged emotion-charged journey through the first Congress since the dissolution of that body in 1966, Argentina's new Foreign Investment Law (the "Law") became effective in December 1973. Law No. 20.577 regulates foreign direct investments, foreign credits and contracts involving payments abroad. Appearing almost simultaneously, Law No.20.575 requires registration with the government of all persons or entities who carry out any activity related to Argentina on behalf of foreign interests. The Foreign Investment Law was followed in February 1974 by a fundamental executive decree amplifying and interpreting the original statute. The Argentines were primarily inspired by the pioneering innovations of Decision 24, the foreign investment code approved by the Commission of the Cartagena Agreement in December 1970 for application in the Andean Pact countries. The Argentine measures attempt to improve the Andean system and adapt it to a new environment. Many of the questions dealt with by the two political entities are considered vital by much of the capital-importing, non-industrial world and by investors from the developed countries as well. As a result, a study of the Argentine rules in relation to their Andean antecedents should transcend its geographical limitations. In the conclusion of an article examining the implications of Decision 24, Professor Covey T. Oliver prophetically observed that the "Mesozoic Era of direct foreign investment has ended. .The future belongs to the adaptables and their lawyers." Further, he concludes that: "Decision 24 will undoubtedly be influential in this evolution, just as 'Mexicanization' [to which United States capital has accommodated itself] was itself influential in the formulation of the Andean Code. Decision 24, therefore, deserves the thoughtful attention of all those who are willing to face the future, instead ...

Venezuela's entry into the Andean Common Market (ACM) represents a case of systems transformation. Venezuelan membership has led both to major changes in economic provisions of the Common Market, and to significant alterations in political relations among members. Analysis of these changes depends on an understanding of the political debate in Venezuela, which was prolonged, and which led to membership under favorable terms earned through hard negotiations. Any assessment of the ultimate impact of Venezuelan participation in the ACM must remain guarded. As a wealthy and dynamic member, Venezuela could become an important catalyst for integration in the region. But with its superior economic capacity, Venezuela could also come to dominate the integrative effort, accruing most of the benefits to itself and in the process creating disruptions and dissatisfaction among the other members.

The decade of the 1960s could well be termed the First Economic Integration Decade in Latin America. During this period the republics of Latin America experienced a "collective awakening," inspiring an environment in which superficial and exclusivist values gave way to pragmatic and cooperative attitudes. Economic alliances were formed among neighbors, predicated on the rationale that, by joining forces in the spirit of cooperation and applying an ecumenical approach to common problems, each of the participating countries would be better off than pursuing a strictly autarkic course (see Figure 1).The initial effort at integration was the Central American Common Market (CACM), formed in late 1960 and including all the countries of Central America except Panama.1 That same year, the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) was created and, measured in terms of territory and population, represented the most significant economic cooperative. A third grouping was the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), established in 1968 as an agreement among eleven British Commonwealth nations and territories.