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1 Introduction -- 1.1 The ethological approach to the study of behaviour -- 1.2 A brief outline of classical ethological theory -- 1.3 The modern study of animal behaviour -- 1.4 An outline of the book -- 2 The description and measurement of behaviour -- 2.1 Describing behaviour by its function -- 2.2 Describing behaviour by its form -- 2.3 Describing and measuring the relationship between an animal and its environment -- 2.4 What is the point of all this sophisticated analysis? -- 3 The study of the causes of behavioural change -- 3.1 What constitutes a causal explanation of behaviour? -- 3.2 The different kinds of causal explanation -- 3.3 Motivational models -- 3.4 Studying external influences on behaviour -- 3.5 Studying internal influences on behaviour -- 3.6 What is the nature of the mechanisms which cause behavioural change? -- 3.7 Studying the physiological bases of behavioural change -- 4 The development of behaviour -- 4.1 Problems with the instinct-learning dichotomy -- 4.2 Why is the term innate still used? -- 4.3 Describing the ontogeny of behaviour -- 4.4 Characterizing the factors which influence the development of behaviour -- 4.5 Classifying the factors which influence the development of behaviour -- 4.6 Some general features of behavioural development -- 5 The adaptive significance of behaviour -- 5.1 Sources of evidence about the adaptive significance of behaviour -- 5.2 Difficulties in studying the adaptive significance of behaviour -- 5.3 The state of the art -- 5.4 The adaptive significance of the way animals pattern their behavior in time -- 5.5 The adaptive significance of the way animals use space -- 5.6 The adaptive significance of an animal's aggressive responses -- 5.7 The adaptive significance of an animal's breeding habits; mating systems -- 5.8 Adaptive significance of behaviour accompanying mating -- 5.9 The adaptive significance of parental care -- 5.10 The adaptive significance of living in groups -- 5.11 Behaviour which cannot be explained by classic natural selection theory -- 5.12 Overview; sociobiology and behavioural ecology -- 6 The phylogeny of behaviour -- 6.1 Sources of evidence about the phylogeny of behaviour -- 6.2 Some representative behavioural phylogenies -- 6.3 Deriving general principles of behavioural evolution -- 7 The role of behaviour in the evolutionary process -- 7.1 The behaviour of other animals as a major selective force -- 7.2 Behaviour dictates the selection pressures to which an animal is exposed -- 7.3 The impact of behaviour on population structure -- 8 Behavioural genetics -- 8.1 The objectives of research into the inheritance of behaviour -- 8.2 Potential contributions of genetics to the study of animal behaviour -- 8.3 Quantitative genetics -- 8.5 Screening known genetic variants for behavioural differences -- 8.6 Characterizing the precise behavioural effects of genetic differences -- 8.7 The mechanisms whereby genes influence behaviour -- 8.8 Genetic mosaics -- 8.9 Animal behaviour and behavioural genetics -- 9 Applied ethology -- 9.1 Clarification of terms; what is applied ethology? -- 9.2 Ways in which etiological research can be applied to practical problems -- 9.3 Pest control -- 9.4 Increasing the productivity of commercially important species -- 9.5 Animal welfare -- 9.6 Conservation -- 9.7 Human behaviour -- References -- Author index -- Species index.

This paper examines the relationship between childhood cruelty toward animals and aggressive behavior among criminals and noncriminals in adulthood. Data were derived from personal interviews with 152 criminals and noncriminals in Kansas and Connecticut. A standardized, closed, and open-ended interview, requiring approximately 1-2 hours to complete, was administered to all subjects. Aggressiveness was defined by behavioral criteria rather than by reason for incarceration. Childhood cruelty toward animals occurred to a significantly greater degree among aggressive criminals than among nonaggressive criminals or noncriminals. Additionally, the occurrence of more than 40 cases of extreme animal crielty facilitated the development of a preliminary classification of nine distinct motivations for animal cruelty. Finally, family violence, particularly paternal abuse and alcoholism, were significantly more common among aggressive criminals with a history of childhood cruelty toward animals.

Being humane to farm animals (welfare) must include (1) having a sound knowledge of their normal and anomalous behavior responses in a farm context and heeding this in a practical way and (2) adopting handling procedures which elicit minimal distress in the species concerned. Building up an ethogram of predictable responses and recording the patterns of behavior during key events, mating, birth, and care of the young are essential. There are still gaps in the recorded ethograms offarm animals. Objective measurements of distress, including an index of its seriousness, are also a priority. The results from animal preference tests can provide some answers on which to base practical husbandry in the areas of housing design, optimal temperatures, the need for companions, factors which elicit aggression, acceptable feeds, and species' sensory capacities. Handling preference tests could also be undertaken. Overcoming inertia is a problem for both the owners and the animals if changes are to be made within established systems of production. Gross cruelty can be countered by legislation, but the motivation for ongoing good welfare of farmed animals must come from within the workers/owners on the site. Trying to force it by legislation may be counter-productive. A five-point program for promoting practical animal welfare is outlined.

During oestrus, two captive and isolated female Peradorcas concinna increased their grooming behaviour,
especially of the pouch-urogenital area, but the frequency of other behaviours did not change. In encounters,
females were very aggressive to other females, males and young during their oestrus, and even killed
other adults. Fighting in Peradorcas is unique among macropodids in that it may involve kicking to the
lower back while jumping over another animal, as well as attacks from the rear which involve severe
biting to the back and neck. The vocalizations associated with these interactions are described.

The foraging behaviour of the yellow-bellied glider was observed for more than 3 years in south-eastern
New South Wales. The use of different substrates by foraging gliders followed an annual cycle which
was correlated with the phenological pattern in the forest. Flowering and bark shedding on eucalypts
were the characters of tree phenology most useful for predicting the behaviour of foraging animals.
Gliders concentrated their foraging efforts on ephemeral food resources, particularly those obtained
from under loose bark; this led to a seasonal pattern in the use of tree species and habitats in the study
area. The preferred habitat of P. australis is likely to be characterised by a mosaic of tree-species
associations, including those which flower in winter. Smooth-barked eucalypts are important because
of the diversity of foraging substrates, and hence food resources, which they provide. The patchy
distribution of these gliders may be explained by differences in floristic diversity and the complexity of
the habitat mosaic.

In discussing animal welfare it is very easy for the discussion to become bogged down by misunderstandings. Commonly the first misunderstanding arises over the definition of animal welfare. In the content of this article we will take it for granted that any definition includes the physical well-being of the animal as well as ensuring that the animal can fulfill much of its genetically controlled behavioral repertoire. The second misunderstanding arises when the political and scientific assessments of the subject are meshed together. In a scientific assessment, the aim should be to examine welfare problems strictly from what we know about the physiology and behavior of the species under consideration. In relation to the humane housing offarm animals, it should aim at informing the public of the pros and cons of different housing systems with respect to the animals' physiology and behavior. From this knowledge the politicians and their electorate can choose which level of welfare they can adopt while protecting their farmers, for example, from cheap imports from countries where the standards of animal welfare are lower. In this article we shall discuss from the ethological viewpoint how the various ways by which housing systems for farm animals can be assessed with respect to the animals' welfare, and how an ethologically suitable system can be attained.

As part of the continuing series of "Dialogues in Biology and Politics" panels sponsored by the Association for Politics and the Life Sciences at its annual conventions, Professor Roger D. Masters was invited to review his own work over the past decade and a half in order to illustrate how that body of scholarship contributes to the political understanding of human nature.—The Editor"If any person thinks the examination of the rest of the animal kingdom an unworthy task, he must hold in like disesteem the study of man."—Aristotle, Parts of Animals, 1.645a

Writing as someone outside the field of political science, but very much involved in studies of behavior-physiology interactions, James Davies' article seems to me to be compelling in its argument for a reorientation of much of political science to include biology. As Davies points out, there is clear and convincing evidence that different physiological states are associated with different probabilities of aggression. Moreover, he cited only a part of the available evidence. At this time, data strongly support two of his points: multiple factors (e.g., genetic, developmental) contribute to the long-run probability of aggression; and different levels of neurotransmitters and hormones contribute to the short-run probability of aggression. All higher animal forms (and lower forms insofar as is known) are capable of aggression, however, within-animal frequency and type of aggression differ. Thus, what factors alter the probability of aggression under different circumstances becomes a question of great interest. It is this issue that Davies addresses. Yet, he may not have gone far enough in his effort to alert readers about the importance of understanding physiological processes as an essential requisite for understanding aggression in particular and behavior in general.

The mystical title of this commentary on Professor Davies' provocative and timely key article is intended to emphasize my belief that many of the problems of attempting to relate biology to 'aggression' stem from deliberate or inadvertent reification. 'Aggression' is clearly a 'concept' and not an 'entity' and, as such, it is difficult to perceive the very diverse activities receiving this label as having a common physiology. Concepts are adopted (or eventually rejected) on the basis of usefulness not correctness. This is not to deny that any useful reference to aggression must concern animals, i.e., creatures with physiologies. Most individuals in their dispassionate moments would not regard the sea or a volcano as being aggressive and would certainly fail to apply this attribute to dry-rot fungus.

AGGRESSIVE SOCIAL DOMINANCE REFERS TO THE RELATIONSHIP ESTABLISHED BETWEEN TWO PREVIOUSLY UNACQUAINTED INDIVIDUALS AS A CONSEQUENCE OF AN INITIAL ENCOUNTER, OR SERIES OF ENCOUNTERS, DURING WHICH, EITHER BY OVERT AGGRESSION (FIGHTING) OR BY MORE SUBTLE MEANS, ONE MEMBER EMERGES SUPERIOR. IN DOMESTIC FOWL, THE USUAL MEASURES OF AGGRESSION INCLUDE PECKING, THREATENING TO PECK, AND FULL JUMPING ATTACK IN WHICH BOTH PECKING AND THE USE OF CLAWS ARE DISPLAYED (SCHJELDERUP-EBBE, 1922; ALLEE, 1950). IN A SMALL GROUP SITUATION, EACH ANIMAL INTERACTS WITH ALL OTHERS, AND A RANK ORDER EMERGES IN WHICH ONE IS DOMINANT OVER ALL OTHERS A SECOND RANKER IS DOMINANT OVER ALL BUT THE TOP-RANKED BIRD, AND SO ON, DOWN TO THE LOWEST-RANKED BIRD DOMINANT OVER NO OTHER INDIVIDUAL. SUCH A SYSTEM HAS BEEN TERMED AN AGGRESSIVE RANK ORDER OR DOMINANCE HIERARCHY. IN SMALL GROUPS, THE HIERARCHY IS STABLE, EACH INDIVIDUAL OBSERVING RULES OF BEHAVIOR APPROPRIATE TO ITS STATUS WITHIN THE ORGANIZATION. SUCH SYSTEMS ARE CLOSED, IN THE SENSE THAT A NEWCOMER MAY BECOME ASSIMILATED ONLY AFTER HAVING UNDERGONE PAIRWISE ENCOUNTERS WITH ALL RESIDENTS OF THE GROUP. ONCE INDIVIDUALS WORK OUT THEIR RANK RELATIONSHIPS, THE LEVEL OR INTENSITY OF AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR DECLINES. SUBSEQUENT INTERACTIONS ARE MARKED BY MUCH MORE SUBTLE EVENTS THAT REINFORCE DOMINANCE-SUBORDIANCE RELATIONSHIPS, E.G., EYE CONTACT DIRECTED BY A DOMINANT TO A LOWER-RANKING BIRD MAY BE SUFFICIENT TO EVOKE THE APPROPRIATE RESPONSE. THUS A SOCIALPY: 1984

The Yaqui of Mexico were early converts to Christianity in New Spain. Yet they came to be regarded with hostility by the newly emerging Mexican government. Many Yaquis fled Mexico in the early twentieth century and established a settlement in Arizona where they resumed a peaceful existence centered around their ceremonial calendar. Edward Spicer devoted most of his professional career to the study of the Yaquis and came to be regarded as a leading authority on that tribe. At the inception of his forty years of research stands Pascua, a firsthand description of daily village life. ; Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, as part of the Humanities Open Book Program funded jointly by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. ; LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -- LIST OF TABLES -- I. PASCUA VILLAGE -- The Setting of the Village -- Yaqui Villages in Arizona -- The Population of Pascua -- Material Culture -- History -- Summary -- II. ECONOMICS -- The Means of Subsistence -- The Level of Subsistence -- The Use of Money -- Property -- Economic Aspects of the Fiesta -- Economic Attitudes -- Summary -- III. KINSHIP -- Kinship Terms -- Kinship Behavior -- Marriage -- The Kinship Groups -- Recent Changes in Kinship Behavior -- Summary -- IV. CEREMONIAL SPONSORSHIP -- Terminology -- The Nature of Ceremonial Sponsorship -- The Nature of the Obligations -- The Padrino Group -- The Ideas Underlying Ceremonial Sponsorship -- How the System Works -- Summary -- V. THE CEREMONIAL SOCIETIES -- The Men's Societies -- The Women's Societies Membership in a Ceremonial Society -- The Obligations of Members -- The Obligations of Societies to Members -- The Composition of the Ceremonial Societies -- Summary -- VI. THE CHURCH AND THE PUEBLO -- The Pueblo -- The Church -- Social Control -- Summary -- VII. THE Pascola DANCERS -- Organization of the Activities of the Pasco/as -- Ceremonies in Which Pasco/as Appear -- The Dancers and Their Dance -- Ritual Functions of the Pasco/as -- The Deer-Dancer -- Native Interpretations -- Attitudes toward the Pasco/as. -- Summary -- VIII. THE CEREMONIAL SYSTEM: EVENTS AND PATTERNS -- The Ceremonial Calendar -- Noncalendrical Ceremonies -- The Elements of the Ritual -- Summary -- IX. THE CEREMONIAL SYSTEM: ANCESTORS AND DEITIES -- The Channels of Tradition -- Death and the Ancestors -- The Virgin Mary -- Jesus: El Senor -- The Animals -- The Element of Burlesque -- Individual Attitudes -- Summary -- X. ORGANIZATION AND CONFLICT -- The Nature of the Social Organization -- The Nature of the Conflict -- XI. CONCLUSION: THE HYPOTHESIS OF FUNCTIONAL INCONSISTENCY -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX. ; This title from the Open Arizona collection is made available by the University of Arizona Press and University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions about this title, please contact the UA Press at https://uapress.arizona.edu/contact.