China's anti-access strategy in historical and theoretical perspective
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 299-323
ISSN: 0140-2390
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In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 299-323
ISSN: 0140-2390
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 299-323
ISSN: 1743-937X
In: The Korean journal of defense analysis, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 355-371
ISSN: 1016-3271
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 73-80
ISSN: 0039-6338
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 417-445
ISSN: 1743-937X
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 417-445
ISSN: 0140-2390
World Affairs Online
In: American foreign policy interests: journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, Inc, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 34-43
ISSN: 1080-3920
World Affairs Online
In: Naval War College review, Band 72, Heft 2, S. 35-65
ISSN: 0028-1484
World Affairs Online
The Eastern Mediterranean has long been the area of interests of Russia's military power. Referring to one of the on-going armed conflicts in the region, Russia has expanded its claws by militarily intervening in Syria to prevent the regime from collapsing. As the only left arbiter in the war who prioritize a political settlement in Syria, although there are various interests between the actors that involved, Russia has decided to involve in several military operations with Turkey. As the meaning to actualize its interest in operating an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, Russia is taking Turkey as its significant partner to simplify and to secure its interest in establishing an A2/AD zone. By analyzing several primary and secondary data, this research concluded that Russia's goals have been divided into two, first is the short-term goal which is to keep Assad in power. Second, the long term goal which is to deter the influence of the Western by deploying its advanced armed forces in the Eastern Mediterranean.
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The problems of the anti-corruption strategy, issues of elimination of criminal factors, improvement of legislation and the activities of law enforcement agencies are analyzed. Anti-corruption problems should be solved systematically in a set of integrative measures of statepolitical, socio-economic, national-cultural, informational, criminological, legal and moral. The priorities of the implementation of such a course are the urgent implementation of such strategic principles as DE monopolization, DE offshorization, requisition of energy security facilities, demarcation of business and power, and ensuring effective tax and customs policy. The effective mechanism against corruption is the disengagement of power and business, the elimination of factors of political corruption. It is proposed in the Law on the Prevention of Corruption, as well as in the laws regulating the status of civil servants, to enshrine the requirement of impeccable business reputation and integrity. A system of new legislation should be developed and adopted: the Code of Evidence, the Code of Law Enforcement, the Investigator Status Function Act, the Detective Status Act, the Jury and World Court Act, and the Crime Detection, Prevention and Prevention Act. It is proposed to state the disposition of the law of the Criminal Code of Ukraine on illegal enrichment in accordance with Article 20 of the UN Convention against Corruption of 31.10.2003. In particular, it is proposed to consolidate the responsibility of officials for a significant increase in assets that exceed the total assets of zero declaration and legal wages in the public service. The mechanisms of the state government should provide for the function of prosecutorial supervision over the enforcement of anti-corruption legislation in the activities of enterprises, executive authorities and local government. Systemic proposals are being made for the formation of a strategy and a comprehensive anticorruption programed.
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In: Défense nationale et sécurité collective. [Englische Ausgabe] : current strategic thinking, Band [63], Heft [7], S. 112-118
ISSN: 1779-3874
World Affairs Online
In: International affairs: a Russian journal of world politics, diplomacy and international relations, S. 21-26
ISSN: 0130-9641
World Affairs Online
In: The military balance: the annual assessment of global military capabilities and defence economics, S. 29-31
ISSN: 0459-7222
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been able to deploy its considerable military capacity to operational theatres unopposed, and once in theatre has faced little if any opposition in key areas of its own asymmetric advantage, such as air and space power, and the ability to engage targets with precision weaponry at extended ranges. However, the Department of Defense (DoD) has recognised since the late 1990s that freedom of manoeuvre cannot be assumed indefinitely. An erosion of the previously overwhelming US technological edge compounds this challenge. Recent doctrinal and equipment developments demonstrate the Pentagon's focus on countering what it calls anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities, which threaten to restrict US and allied forces' movement to and within potential theatres. Anti-ship missiles, submarines, mines and cyber capabilities are high among US armed forces' concerns regarding the inventories of potential adversaries. The Pentagon has to address these issues, and adopt new strategies, while undergoing what Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey has called three transitions: firstly, a move from a military 'generally focused on deploying for combat into one that can perform missions besides counterinsurgency'; secondly, a transition in personnel strength, with notable reductions in the US Army and Marine Corps; and thirdly, doing this within an increasingly tight fiscal environment. Adapted from the source document.
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 73-80
ISSN: 1468-2699