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This article presents a discussion of the essence of moral, political theology, one which is specifically related to the political life and the public attitude with which Croatia would like to enter the European Union and make itself more present in the world. It is a theology which strives to actively contribute to the process of the humanisation of society. Theology, as an attitude of critical reasoning, plays a fundamental role in the process of the liberation of man and the strengthening of the Christian community by helping to liberate them from all types of fetishes and idolatry. At the same time, it helps avoid the kind of fatal narcissism which impoverishes human relationships. Understood in this way, every kind of theology, and especially political theology, has a permanent and necessary role to play in the process of liberation from all forms of religious alienation. This alienation is generally something which the ecclesiastical institutions themselves produce when they obstruct or hinder the Word of God being approached in an authentic way. Adapted from the source document.

Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.

Rad je posvećen analizi suvremenih fenomena pod kojima podrazumijevamo mobilnu telefoniju, društvene mreže, brendiranje mladosti, ljepote, zdravlja i sreće kroz estetizaciju tijela te drugih (anti)vrijednosti globalizacijskog konteksta i njihovih utjecaja na mlade koji značajno redefiniraju savjetodavni rad u školama. Kroz tu prizmu, globalizacija je nametnula potrebu pripremanja savjetnika (pedagoga) za rad s vrlo različitom školskom populacijom te traženje najboljeg pristupa u kompleksnom spoju suodnosa suvremenih zbivanja, mladih, odgojno-obrazovnih institucija i dinamičnog okruženja. Promišljanja novih koncepata savjetodavnog rada zahtjeva holistički pristup, posebno stoga što su pedagozi (i školski savjetnici) jedinstveno pozicionirani s obzirom na to da imaju potpuniju sliku životnih okolnosti učenika te njihovih izazova i potreba. Ovakav pristup pedagozima, odnosno savjetodavnom radu kojeg nazivaju pedagogijom životnog puta, kristalizira stavove o promjeni obrazovnih politika i promjenama u obrazovanju pedagoga kako bi oni savjetodavnim radom mogli odgovoriti na izazove globalizacijskog konteksta. ; This paper is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary phenomena, by which we mean mobile phones, social networks, branding youth, beauty, health and happiness through body aestheticization and other (anti) values in the globalization context. It also aims to analyse the impact the aforementioned phenomena have on young people who are significantly redefining counselling in schools. Through this prism, the globalization imposed the need of preparing counselors (pedagogues) to work with a varying school population and searching for the most efficient approach in the complex combination of correlation between contemporary events, youth, educational institutions and dynamic environment. Considerations of new concepts of counselling require a holistic approach, especially because pedagogues (school counsellors) are uniquely positioned since they have a more complete picture of students' life circumstances as well as the challenges they face and the needs they may have. This approach to pedagogues and counselling, also called the pedagogy of life's journey, crystallizes attitudes regarding the changes in education policies and counselors' (pedagogues') education so that they may be able to meet the challenges of the globalization context.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

Protukomunističke gerile su naoružane skupine koje su se u poratnome razdoblju suprotstavljale novouspostavljenomu komunističkom režimu. Širokobriješka protukomunistička gerila bila je jedna od najbrojnijih u zapadnoj Hercegovini poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata, a vojno i politički organizirali su se u lipnju 1946. te utemeljili Prvi hercegovački ustaško-križarski zdrug pod zapovjedništvom ustaškoga satnika Bože Mandića. Politički cilj protukomunističke gerile bio je rušenje komunizma zbog zločina koje su partizani počinili nad Hrvatima i drugim narodima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova završetka. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) označila je navedenu gerilu kao prijetnju za proces uspostave vlasti. Pomoću represivnoga aparata KPJ organizirala je niz kaznenih ekspedicija s ciljem likvidiranja istih na prostoru zapadne Hercegovine. Protukomunistička gerila je u poraću, u borbi za život, u uvjetima stalnih sumnjičenja, izdaja i pogibija od strane tajne policije KPJ, počinila zločine najčešće prema narodnim odbornicima, njihovim obiteljima i članovima Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). Agenti UDBA-e u početku nisu imali uspjeha u likvidaciji protukomunističke gerile te je KPJ utemeljenjem dobrovoljačke milicije i angažiranja uhoda po selima organizirala niz kaznenih ekspedicija u kojima su agenti UDBA-e od 1946. do 1948. pobili većinu širokobriješke protukomunističke gerile. Preostale uhvaćene širokobriješke gerile osudili su na smrt strijeljanjem ili na višegodišnju robiju. ; Anti-communist guerrillas are armed groups who opposed the newly established Communist regime in the post-war period. Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla was one of the most numerous in West Herzegovina after the Second World War. They were organized militarily and politically in June 1946 and established the First Herzegovinian Ustasha Crusader Association under the command of Ustasha captain Božo Mandić. Political aim of the anti-communist guerrilla was destroying communism because of the crimes done by Partisans over Croats and other nations before the end of the Second World War and after its end. Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) labeled the mentioned guerrilla as a threat to the process of establishing authority. Using the repressive apparatus KPJ organized numerous punitive expeditions in order to eliminate mentioned guerrillas at the territory of West Herzegovina. Fighting for life in the post-war period, constantly suspected, betrayed and executed by the secret police of KPJ, anti-communist guerrilla committed crimes mostly against national councilors, their families and members of the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ). UDBA agents were not successful in eliminating the anti-communist guerrilla at the beginning. After establishment of Dubrovnik Militia and engaging spies in villages KPJ organized numerous expeditions from 1946 to 1948 in which UDBA agents killed majority of Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla. Other captured members of the guerrilla were sentenced to death by firing squad or to multiannual imprisonment.

Although it cannot be denied that nation-states & their sovereignties still exist as a significant form of identity of the civilian society within the world order, under the influence of new globalization processes -- political, ecological, cultural -- in the last decades of the 20th century, & the urgency of the need to solve new global problems (ecological, genetic, communication, market, multicultural), the issue of new identities has emerged. The world of "complex interdependences" has dramatic implications for sovereignty, autonomy, & responsibility of states & their ability to independently solve the key political problems they are faced with. The new issues brought about by the globalization processes can no longer be based solely on the principles of the white-Western-Christian-male-industrial civilization that has proved lethal in many social, cultural, & political aspects of life, particularly regarding the environment. That is why the initiatives for the recognition of new multicultural identities can be realized only within the global order in which Westerners no longer have a privileged position. Radicalizing these issues, environmentalists conclude that the global ecological policy can no longer be based on the old political boundaries of nation-states, that new political boundaries are needed, based on ecological principles. These boundaries should coincide with the boundaries of ecological systems if development is to be sustained. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to globally expand democracy in order to create new institutions that are going to institutionalize some new forms of political culture, based on the principles of the "green politics," which presupposes respect for all forms of life & avoids a hierarchy of life forms with humankind on the top. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Inspirirana paušalnim osvrtom Ive Vidana na Byronovu ulogu i bajronični intertekst u Krležinu opusu, ova studija nudi nov pristup Krležinim ranim djelima, koja možemo smatrati nekom vrstom dijaloga s eminentnim britanskim romantičarem. S vrijednim izuzetkom Prof. Vidana, književno-znanstveni radovi posvećeni Krležinoj intelektualnoj formaciji kao i radovima iz njegove rane faze tipično previđaju Krležine brojne opaske i reference na račun Byrona. Isto je tako i s brojnim studijama posvećenim utjecaju Nietszchea i mađarskih pjesnika na mladog Krležu, i to usprkos činjenici da je Byron bio ključnim formativnim utjecajem na njemačkog filozofa kao i na književno-politički diskurz Mađarske tijekom čitavog devetnaestog no i početkom dvadesetog stoljeća. A da ne govorimo o ulozi Byronova Caina u sklopu ideologema Oktobarske Revolucije i lenjinizma, kojima se zanosio naš mladi pjesnik. Polazeći od činjenice da je Krleža bio dobro upoznat ne samo s Byronovim djelima, već i da je bio pristaša Englezove inačice estetike − razvidne iz njegovih proznih prologa i komentara priloženih njegovim lirskim dramama i epskim poemama, te potkrijepljene stavovima razloženima u njegovoj korespondenciji − ovakovo čitanje otvara nove teme u okvirima suvremene krležologije, no i unutar diskurza studija posvećenih komparativnoj književnosti, u sklopu kojeg se nada doprinijeti uvidima i perspektivama u svezi s recepcijom Byrona u Jugoistočnoj Europi, odnosno na jugozapadnom dijelu Balkana. ; Inspired by Ivo Vidan's brief note on the connexion between Byron and Krleža, this study offers an innovative reading of Krleža's early work, seeing it as a dialogue with the British Romantic poet. With the exception of Professor Vidan, the bulk of criticism dedicated to Krleža's intellectual formation tends to overlook the significance of Krleža's numerous references to Byron, starting with his early diaristic prose and continuing throughout his prolific literary and dramatic career. Most studies dedicated to the influences of Nietzsche and the nineteenth-century Hungarian poets on young Krleža shy away from mentioning the Byronic intertext as a sine qua non for both the German philosopher and the literary and political discourse of Hungary in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Not to mention the role of Byron's poetry in Lenin's Russia, ardently supported by Krleža. Apart from contributing to the contemporary Krleža studies by expounding on Krleža's familiarity with Byron's works and his fluency in the Byronic thought, this essay adds to the knowledge of Byron's reception in Central Eastern Europe, especially in Croatia, still an uncharted land in terms of Byron studies.

Cilj je ovog rada steći što širi uvid u problem definiranja modernizma u fotografiji između dva svjetska rata u Zadru. Pozornost se posvetila političkoj i društvenoj situaciji u Zadru, fotografima te fotografskim izložbama koje su ostva- rile utjecaj na razvoj zadarske fotografije. Obradom referentne građe o izložbama, pregledom relevantne literature i periodike te uvidom u arhivske i muzejske zbirke raspravio se razmjer prodora i utjecaja modernizma na fotografsku situaciju u Zadru toga vremena i utjecaj koji je izvršio na poslijeratni modernizam. ; The aim of this paper is to offer a broader insight into the problem of defining modernism in Zadar's photography between the two World Wars. Particular attention has been paid to the political and social situation in Zadar, its photographers, and the photo exhibitions that had a special impact on the development of Zadar's photography. By analysing the relevant material on the exhibitions, scholarly literature and periodicals, as well as the archival and museum collections, the author has assessed the extent to which modernism has permeated and influenced Zadar's photography at that time and the impact it exerted on post-war modernism.

Using the example of Vojvodina, the author looks into the connection between the "socialist ideology" & the anti-Western orientation. The survey, conducted in Subotica, focuses on the influence of ethnic origin, education, migratory history, & the participation of a respondent's family in the Partisan resistance movement on the latent configuration of certain political orientations (subdimension of "socialist ideology") & the anti-Western orientation. The author claims there are four relatively independent latent dimensions of "socialist ideology": (1) Yugo-nostalgia, (2) Collectivist/statist orientation, (3) Militarist/statist orientation, & (4) Egalitarianism. The study has shown that, basically, the anti-Western orientation is one of the components of the socialist ideological pattern. The "militarist anti-Western orientation" is demonstrated by the Serbs who moved to Subotica between WWI & the recent war on the territory of the former SFR Yugoslavia. Apart from these Serbs -- & unlike the other ethnic groups -- this "militarist anti-Western orientation" is also noticeable in a fraction of Croats from Backa (Bunjevci) who have stated as their nationality "only" -- Bunjevci (Backa Croats). Besides, the study has shown that lower social classes harbor a kind of "socialist anti-Western orientation." The anti-Western orientation, which the author labels as the "Yugo-nostalgic anti-Western orientation," is held by those respondents whose relatives were involved in the Partisan movement. 15 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima. ; The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership's demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League's Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of 'democratic centralism'.

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

The article considers the significance of the commitment of the state & its factors & forces in preventing the perpetrators of terrorism to manifest themselves in a violent way. The author takes as a starting point the fact that terrorist collectivities make great efforts to take their primary victim (state) by surprise. The response of the state should result in the efficient protection from this danger. The author considers subjective & objective limitations the anti-terrorist forces of the state are facing in the protection of the state from the terrorist surprise. This, among other things, results in porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention in some of its aspects. The volume & character of possible detrimental effects on the security of the state for the occasional porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention is treated within a separate chapter. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.