Suchergebnisse

Svjetski su ratovi ostavili neizbrisiv trag ne samo za svog trajanja nego i kasnije. Jedan od načina prilagodbe čestim smjenama političkih režima karakterističnih za češku kulturu i književnost upravo je humor u književnosti. U središtu su ovoga rada tri romana, proizašla iz pera poznatih čeških prozaika: Doživljaji dobrog vojnika Švejka u svjetskom ratu Jaroslava Hašeka, Dvorio sam engleskoga kralja Bohumila Hrabala i Šala Milana Kundere. Koristeći humor kao dominantan književni diskurs, pisci formiraju lik marginaliziranih (anti)junaka koji, usprkos egzistenciji u različitim povijesnim vremenima, ratuju protiv rata. Nijansiranim će postupcima ironije, crnog humora, sarkazma i groteske razoružati rat i okove (poslije)ratnih ideologija – austrijskog imperijalizma, nacizma i socijalizma, svodeći ih pod apsurd. Svevremenost pacifizma koji zagovaraju ova će djela učiniti jednako privlačnima i današnjem krugu čitatelja. ; World wars have left an indelible trace while they lasted as well as in times after them. In Czech culture and literature one of the common ways of adapting to political regime changes is using humour in literary works. The paper focuses on three novels by famous Czech novelists: The Good Soldier Švejk by Jaroslav Hašek, I Served the King of England by Bohumil Hrabal and The Joke by Milan Kundera. By using humour as dominant literary discourse, the authors created marginalised characters, (anti)heroes who, despite living at different times, disarm the war. Nuanced irony, black humour, sarcasm and grotesque reveal the true face of wars and restraints of (post)war ideologies – Austrian imperialism, Nazism and socialism by treating them as absurd. Timelessness of pacifism which these works promote makes these books appealing to readers even nowadays.

Rad je posvećen analizi suvremenih fenomena pod kojima podrazumijevamo mobilnu telefoniju, društvene mreže, brendiranje mladosti, ljepote, zdravlja i sreće kroz estetizaciju tijela te drugih (anti)vrijednosti globalizacijskog konteksta i njihovih utjecaja na mlade koji značajno redefiniraju savjetodavni rad u školama. Kroz tu prizmu, globalizacija je nametnula potrebu pripremanja savjetnika (pedagoga) za rad s vrlo različitom školskom populacijom te traženje najboljeg pristupa u kompleksnom spoju suodnosa suvremenih zbivanja, mladih, odgojno-obrazovnih institucija i dinamičnog okruženja. Promišljanja novih koncepata savjetodavnog rada zahtjeva holistički pristup, posebno stoga što su pedagozi (i školski savjetnici) jedinstveno pozicionirani s obzirom na to da imaju potpuniju sliku životnih okolnosti učenika te njihovih izazova i potreba. Ovakav pristup pedagozima, odnosno savjetodavnom radu kojeg nazivaju pedagogijom životnog puta, kristalizira stavove o promjeni obrazovnih politika i promjenama u obrazovanju pedagoga kako bi oni savjetodavnim radom mogli odgovoriti na izazove globalizacijskog konteksta. ; This paper is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary phenomena, by which we mean mobile phones, social networks, branding youth, beauty, health and happiness through body aestheticization and other (anti) values in the globalization context. It also aims to analyse the impact the aforementioned phenomena have on young people who are significantly redefining counselling in schools. Through this prism, the globalization imposed the need of preparing counselors (pedagogues) to work with a varying school population and searching for the most efficient approach in the complex combination of correlation between contemporary events, youth, educational institutions and dynamic environment. Considerations of new concepts of counselling require a holistic approach, especially because pedagogues (school counsellors) are uniquely positioned since they have a more complete picture of students' life circumstances as well as the challenges they face and the needs they may have. This approach to pedagogues and counselling, also called the pedagogy of life's journey, crystallizes attitudes regarding the changes in education policies and counselors' (pedagogues') education so that they may be able to meet the challenges of the globalization context.

Geneza i razvoj specijalne policije u Republici Hrvatskoj nerazdvojan je i paralelan proces sa stvaranjem, izgradnjom, razvojem i djelovanjem hrvatske države, koji svoje izvorište ima u Domovinskom ratu. Hrvatska je već dokazala odlučnost u borbi protiv terorizma, što možemo identificirati kroz nekoliko ključnih faza razvoja međunarodnih odnosa i koalicija: aktivno uključivanje u antiterorističku međunarodnu koaliciju, odnosno ulazak u Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih naroda i suradnja u okviru Europske unije, te integracija u NATO i pristupanje organizaciji Atlas, mreži specijalnih policijskih postrojbi Europske unije. Takav pristup međunarodnoj suradnji možemo promatrati u kontekstu jačanja unutarnjeg sigurnosnog sustava Republike Hrvatske, a uključivanje specijalne policije u organizaciju Atlas kao jasnu poruku integriranja Hrvatske u međunarodnu antiterorističku koaliciju. ; The genesis and development of special police units in the Republic of Croatia is an inseparable and parallel process with the creation, development and activity of the Croatian state with its origins in the Croatian War of Independence. The Republic of Croatia has already demonstrated its determination in the fight against terrorism. It can be identified through several key phases of the development of international relations and coalitions: the active participation in the anti-terrorist international coalition, i.e. the involvement in the United Nations Security Council and the cooperation within the frameworks of the European Union, the integration into NATO alliance and the accession to the Atlas Network. This approach to international cooperation can be viewed in the context of strengthening internal security system of the Republic of Croatia, while the involvement of special police units in the Atlas Network can be seen as a clear message of the integration of the Republic of Croatia in the international anti-terrorist coalition.

Protukomunističke gerile su naoružane skupine koje su se u poratnome razdoblju suprotstavljale novouspostavljenomu komunističkom režimu. Širokobriješka protukomunistička gerila bila je jedna od najbrojnijih u zapadnoj Hercegovini poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata, a vojno i politički organizirali su se u lipnju 1946. te utemeljili Prvi hercegovački ustaško-križarski zdrug pod zapovjedništvom ustaškoga satnika Bože Mandića. Politički cilj protukomunističke gerile bio je rušenje komunizma zbog zločina koje su partizani počinili nad Hrvatima i drugim narodima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova završetka. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) označila je navedenu gerilu kao prijetnju za proces uspostave vlasti. Pomoću represivnoga aparata KPJ organizirala je niz kaznenih ekspedicija s ciljem likvidiranja istih na prostoru zapadne Hercegovine. Protukomunistička gerila je u poraću, u borbi za život, u uvjetima stalnih sumnjičenja, izdaja i pogibija od strane tajne policije KPJ, počinila zločine najčešće prema narodnim odbornicima, njihovim obiteljima i članovima Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). Agenti UDBA-e u početku nisu imali uspjeha u likvidaciji protukomunističke gerile te je KPJ utemeljenjem dobrovoljačke milicije i angažiranja uhoda po selima organizirala niz kaznenih ekspedicija u kojima su agenti UDBA-e od 1946. do 1948. pobili većinu širokobriješke protukomunističke gerile. Preostale uhvaćene širokobriješke gerile osudili su na smrt strijeljanjem ili na višegodišnju robiju. ; Anti-communist guerrillas are armed groups who opposed the newly established Communist regime in the post-war period. Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla was one of the most numerous in West Herzegovina after the Second World War. They were organized militarily and politically in June 1946 and established the First Herzegovinian Ustasha Crusader Association under the command of Ustasha captain Božo Mandić. Political aim of the anti-communist guerrilla was destroying communism because of the crimes done by Partisans over Croats and other nations before the end of the Second World War and after its end. Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) labeled the mentioned guerrilla as a threat to the process of establishing authority. Using the repressive apparatus KPJ organized numerous punitive expeditions in order to eliminate mentioned guerrillas at the territory of West Herzegovina. Fighting for life in the post-war period, constantly suspected, betrayed and executed by the secret police of KPJ, anti-communist guerrilla committed crimes mostly against national councilors, their families and members of the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ). UDBA agents were not successful in eliminating the anti-communist guerrilla at the beginning. After establishment of Dubrovnik Militia and engaging spies in villages KPJ organized numerous expeditions from 1946 to 1948 in which UDBA agents killed majority of Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla. Other captured members of the guerrilla were sentenced to death by firing squad or to multiannual imprisonment.

Inspirirana paušalnim osvrtom Ive Vidana na Byronovu ulogu i bajronični intertekst u Krležinu opusu, ova studija nudi nov pristup Krležinim ranim djelima, koja možemo smatrati nekom vrstom dijaloga s eminentnim britanskim romantičarem. S vrijednim izuzetkom Prof. Vidana, književno-znanstveni radovi posvećeni Krležinoj intelektualnoj formaciji kao i radovima iz njegove rane faze tipično previđaju Krležine brojne opaske i reference na račun Byrona. Isto je tako i s brojnim studijama posvećenim utjecaju Nietszchea i mađarskih pjesnika na mladog Krležu, i to usprkos činjenici da je Byron bio ključnim formativnim utjecajem na njemačkog filozofa kao i na književno-politički diskurz Mađarske tijekom čitavog devetnaestog no i početkom dvadesetog stoljeća. A da ne govorimo o ulozi Byronova Caina u sklopu ideologema Oktobarske Revolucije i lenjinizma, kojima se zanosio naš mladi pjesnik. Polazeći od činjenice da je Krleža bio dobro upoznat ne samo s Byronovim djelima, već i da je bio pristaša Englezove inačice estetike − razvidne iz njegovih proznih prologa i komentara priloženih njegovim lirskim dramama i epskim poemama, te potkrijepljene stavovima razloženima u njegovoj korespondenciji − ovakovo čitanje otvara nove teme u okvirima suvremene krležologije, no i unutar diskurza studija posvećenih komparativnoj književnosti, u sklopu kojeg se nada doprinijeti uvidima i perspektivama u svezi s recepcijom Byrona u Jugoistočnoj Europi, odnosno na jugozapadnom dijelu Balkana. ; Inspired by Ivo Vidan's brief note on the connexion between Byron and Krleža, this study offers an innovative reading of Krleža's early work, seeing it as a dialogue with the British Romantic poet. With the exception of Professor Vidan, the bulk of criticism dedicated to Krleža's intellectual formation tends to overlook the significance of Krleža's numerous references to Byron, starting with his early diaristic prose and continuing throughout his prolific literary and dramatic career. Most studies dedicated to the influences of Nietzsche and the nineteenth-century Hungarian poets on young Krleža shy away from mentioning the Byronic intertext as a sine qua non for both the German philosopher and the literary and political discourse of Hungary in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. Not to mention the role of Byron's poetry in Lenin's Russia, ardently supported by Krleža. Apart from contributing to the contemporary Krleža studies by expounding on Krleža's familiarity with Byron's works and his fluency in the Byronic thought, this essay adds to the knowledge of Byron's reception in Central Eastern Europe, especially in Croatia, still an uncharted land in terms of Byron studies.

Cilj je ovog rada steći što širi uvid u problem definiranja modernizma u fotografiji između dva svjetska rata u Zadru. Pozornost se posvetila političkoj i društvenoj situaciji u Zadru, fotografima te fotografskim izložbama koje su ostva- rile utjecaj na razvoj zadarske fotografije. Obradom referentne građe o izložbama, pregledom relevantne literature i periodike te uvidom u arhivske i muzejske zbirke raspravio se razmjer prodora i utjecaja modernizma na fotografsku situaciju u Zadru toga vremena i utjecaj koji je izvršio na poslijeratni modernizam. ; The aim of this paper is to offer a broader insight into the problem of defining modernism in Zadar's photography between the two World Wars. Particular attention has been paid to the political and social situation in Zadar, its photographers, and the photo exhibitions that had a special impact on the development of Zadar's photography. By analysing the relevant material on the exhibitions, scholarly literature and periodicals, as well as the archival and museum collections, the author has assessed the extent to which modernism has permeated and influenced Zadar's photography at that time and the impact it exerted on post-war modernism.

Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima. ; The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership's demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League's Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of 'democratic centralism'.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Glavni je cilj rada utvrditi u kojoj je mjeri novu političku opciju u Hrvatskoj, Most, opravdano nazivati populističkom. Na to pitanje autori nastoje odgovoriti korištenjem recentnih teorijskih, metodoloških i empirijskih uvida politološke literature o populizmu. Analizu temelje na inkluzivnom pristupu populizmu i iz njega izvedenoj istraživačkoj matrici na temelju koje je provedena analiza sadržaja. Analiza samo djelomice potvrđuje teze o Mostu kao populističkoj opciji. Autori smatraju kako je tu opciju najprikladnije kategorizirati kao kombinaciju centrističkog populizma i antiestablišmentske reformske stranke. Tvrde da bi istraživanja populizma trebala razlikovati antielitizam od antiestablišmentske pozicije stranaka i političara. Zanimljivost Mosta vide i u njegovu čudnom i paradoksalnom odnosu prema hrvatskoj političkoj eliti: mostovci kritiziraju političku elitu kao nekompetentnu i korumpiranu, a istodobno zagovaraju politički savez s tom istom elitom kako bi se provele reforme i donio prosperitet hrvatskom društvu. ; The main goal of the paper is to establish to which extent it is justified to label a newly established Croatian party The Bridge (Most) a populist party. In order to answer this question, the paper relies on theoretical, methodological and empirical insights from contemporary literature on populism. The study is based on inclusive approach to populism and accordingly developed categories for content analysis. The analysis only partially confirms the assumption that Most is a populist option. The authors suggest that Most is best described as a combination of centrist populism and an anti-establishment reform party. They suggest that populism research would benefit from distinguishing between anti-elitist and anti-establishment position of parties and politicians. Finally, they argue that the 'curiosity' of Most stems primarily from their awkward and paradoxical relationship towards Croatian political elite: Most's politicians criticise political elite for being incompetent and corrupt, while at the same time advocating alliance with this same elite in order to implement reforms and bring prosperity to Croatian society.

Athletes are often tempted to take prohibited agents with the aim of performance enhancing because of diff erent pressures they face, including self-affi rmation, the infl uence of money- and glory-driven parents, coaches and community members. Th ese agents increase body mass and power, relieve fatigue, mask other prohibited substances during testing, lead to faster recovery and have many other adverse eff ects on health. Th e use of prohibited agents, com-monly known as doping, is detrimental to the mental and physical health of athletes and violates the rules of ethical conduct. Th e prohibited agents include prohibited substances and prohibited methods. For a substance or a method to be included on the Prohibited List published by the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) it has to meet at least two of the fol-lowing three criteria: it enhances sport performance, it represents an actual or potential health risk to athlete or it violates the spirit of sport. Th e fi ght against doping has, for a long time, been a strategic goal at both national and global level. Countries, the International Olympic Committee, international sport federations, national sport associations and various govern-ment and non-governmental organizations have been making considerable eff orts in creating policies and strategies for the fi ght against doping in sport. In 1999 these eff orts resulted in the establishment of the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA). Subsequently, many of the national anti-doping agencies were founded. Croatian Anti-doping Agency (CROADA) was founded in 2007 with the aim of promoting doping-free sport and protecting athletes from adverse health eff ects. ; Podliježući različitim pritiscima, od vlastitog samodokazivanja do utjecaja roditelja, trenera i šire društvene zajednice radi slave i novca, sportaši se često nalaze u iskušenju da koriste zabranjena sredstva u svrhu poboljšanja rezultata. Ta sredstva djeluju na povećanje mišić-ne snage i mase, otklanjaju umor, maskiraju druga zabranjena sredstva prilikom testiranja, dovode do bržeg oporavka, ali imaju niz drugih učinaka, vrlo često štetnih po zdravlje. Pri-mjena zabranjenih sredstava u suprotnosti je s tjelesnim i mentalnim integritetom sportaša i sportskom etikom. Poznatiji naziv za primjenu zabranjenih sredstava je doping i predstavlja jedan od najvećih problema u sportu. U zabranjena sredstva ubrajamo zabranjene supstancije i zabranjene metode. Da bi se neko sredstvo našlo na popisu zabranjenih sredstava potrebno je zadovoljiti dva od tri sljedeća kriterija: poboljšanje izvedbe, štetnost po zdravlje ili nespojivost s duhom sporta. Borba protiv dopinga u sportu već je dugi niz godina strateški važna, kako na nacionalnom tako i na globalnom nivou. Države, Međunarodni olimpijski odbor, među-narodne sportske federacije, nacionalni sportski savezi te različita vladina tijela i nevladine udruge uključeni su u kreiranje politike i strategije za borbu protiv dopinga u sportu. Rezultat tih nastojanja je osnivanje svjetske agencije za borbu protiv dopinga u sportu (WADA) 1999. i po uzoru na nju nacionalnih agencija za borbu protiv dopinga u sportu. Hrvatska agencija za borbu protiv dopinga u sportu (HADA) osnovana je 2007. s ciljem promicanja sporta bez dopinga i zaštite sportaša od neželjenih posljedica.

Cilj je rada pomoću analize i interpretacije eseja Tri gvineje Viginije Woolf ukazati na aktualnost ideja i pitanja postavljenih u eseju, koji i u XXI. stoljeću traže odgovor, te podsjetiti na nepravedno zanemareni esejistički opus ove autorice. Pitanje rodnih razlika, hijerarhijski ustroj društva temeljen na patrijarhalnim odnosima, rat i uloga žene u njegovu sprječavanju, fašizam, pacifizam, nacionalizam – teme su koje su u fokusu današnjice, a Woolf, koja je svojim esejom potaknula kontroverze, pokazala je i znatnu relevantnost i svojevrsno vizionarstvo. Esej Tri gvineje u okviru odgovarajućega povijesnog, političkog i društvenoga konteksta ukazuje na žestoku kritiku rata kao i na stalnu borbu žene za ravnopravnost u svim porama današnjega društva. ; Analysis and interpretation of Virginia Woolf's anti-war essay Three Guineas point to the relevance of the ideas and questions placed in the essay, which remain unanswered even today in the 21st century. The unjustly neglected essay-writing of this prolific modernist author is also reaffirmed. The issues of gender, hierarchical social structure based on patriarchy, war and the role of women in preventing it, fascism, pacifism, and nationalism are relevant contemporary topics where Woolf, who initiated controversies, showed relevance and a sense of vision as well. Within the given historical, political and social context, the essay Three Guineas expresses strong anti-war criticism, as well as the constant struggle of women for equality in all segments of contemporary society.

Romsko stanovništvo danas čini jednu od najstarijih manjinskih skupina u Hrvatskoj, a njihovo naseljavanje na ovom području bilježi se od druge polovine XIV. st. Odnos hrvatskih vlasti prema njima često je bio obilježen represivno-asimilacijskom politikom, koju danas neki znanstvenici smatraju dijelom šire europske anticiganističke politike. Stradanje Roma u Drugom svjetskom ratu u Europi, uključujući Nezavisnu Državu Hrvatsku, može se smatrati vrhuncem takve anticiganističke politike. U radu se posebno analizira stradanja Roma na širem bjelovarsko-bilogorskom području, tj. području Velike župe Bilogora. Tako su analizirana pitanja odnosa lokalnih (ustaških) vlasti prema Romima, ali i drugim pitanjima, poput deportacije Roma u jasenovački koncentracijski logor, oduzimanje njihove imovine, primjer otpora Roma (sudjelovanje u Narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi) i razmjeri njihova stradanja. U istraživanju se većinom koriste spisi Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru i Hrvatskog državnog arhiva, lokalna periodika i relevantna literatura. ; Romani population today forms one of the oldest minority groups in Croatia. Their settlement in our territory began in the second half of the 14th century. The attitude of Croatian authorities toward the Romani was often marked by repression –assimilation policy, which is currently observed as a part of the wider European anti-Gypsy policy by a number of scientists. The sufferings of the Romani during World War Two in Europe, including the Independent State of Croatia, may be considered the climax of the anti-Gypsy policy. The paper analyzes in particular the sufferings of Romani population in the wider Bjelovar-Bilogora area, i.e. the area covered by the Great District of Bilogora. The following issues have been tackled: the treatment of the Romani by the local (Ustasha) authorities; the deportation of the Romani to the concentration camp in Jasenovac; the confiscation of their property; one example of the resistance of the Romani (participation in the National Liberation War); and the scale of their sufferings. For the purposes of this study, the author mainly used the materials from the State Archives in Bjelovar and Croatian State Archives, local periodicals, and relevant literature.

Većina europskih zemalja prije samog početka Drugoga svjetskog rata nije započela s nasilnijim pokušajima asimilacije, kakav je već bio u tijeku u nacističkoj Njemačkoj. Izbijanjem Drugoga svjetskog rata i širenjem nacističkog utjecaja na mnoge europske zemlje, bilo izravno kao okupirane, ili posredno kao države – saveznice, započeli su se provoditi neki dijelovi nacističkog anticiganističkog modela odnosa prema Romima. Analizom u ovom radu biti će obuhvaćen odnos srednjoeuropskih vlasti, poput mađarskih, hrvatskih, čehoslovačkih i poljskih, prema romskom manjinskom stanovništvu za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Poseban dio analize će se usredotočiti na pitanje da li su i u kojoj mjeri nacističke vlasti utjecale na odnos navedenih državnih vlasti prema Romima. ; Up to the World War II in most European countries there were no violent assimilation attempts like those that had already been in progress in Nazi Germany. With the beginning of World War II and the spreading of Nazi influence on many European countries, either directly because of occupation, or indirectly as ally countries, some parts of Nazi anti-Roma model started to be implemented. The analysis of this paper deals with Central European governments such as Hungarian, Croatian, Czechoslovak and Polish and their attitude to minority Roma population during World War II. A separate part of analysis focuses on the question whether and to which extent Nazi government had an impact on the attitude of the abovementioned governments to the Roma.

U ovom radu razmatra se djelovanje Slavenskoga komiteta Hrvatske, kluba intelektualaca i umjetnika okupljenih u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata radi promoviranja ideja slavenske uzajamnosti i bliskosti sa Sovjetskim Savezom. Sagledavajući njegov rad u uvjetima uspostave komunističke prevlasti i hladnoratovske polarizacije u Europi, autor će posebno analizirati propagandu Slavenskoga komiteta o Sovjetskom Savezu i veličanje staljinističkoga modela upravljanja društvom. ; Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet 'soft power' in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin's government in order to strengthen influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.