Suchergebnisse

"The case known in the public discourse as the Roma murders was a series of attacks on Roma committed with a distinctly anti-Gypsy, racist motive by Árpád Kiss, István Kiss, Zsolt Pető, and István Csontos – the latter having joined them later – between July 2008 and August 2009.
The perpetrators had previously committed a gun robbery in Besenyszög and then carried out firearm and Molotov cocktail attacks on Gypsies in a total of nine settlements across five counties, killing a total of six people. The investigation revealed that several of the offenders were related to the skinhead community in Debrecen, and their motive was retaliation for crimes related to gypsies and incitement of anti-Gypsy sentiments among the population.
They were arrested on 21 August 2009, in a nightclub in Debrecen, where two of the perpetrators worked as bouncers. Their criminal proceedings began on 25 March 2011, and the verdict was pronounced on 6 August 2013. The first-, second-, and third-degree defendants were sentenced to actual life imprisonment, while the fourth-order defendant was sentenced to 13 years in prison, of which he could not be released on parole, so he is expected to be released at the end of August 2022.
The publication presents the events, the process of the investigation, the arrest, and the perpetrators. The author seeks to find motivation for the events and broader social aspects."

The aim of the discussion paper is to assess the current state of Romanian−Hungarian relations in Transylvania, the causes of the problems and possible ways to improve interethnic links. The proposals include legal and non-legal solutions. From a Hungarian point of view, is not possible to circumvent the redesign of the dialogue; it is necessary to be able to explain why the goal is to achieve consociational democracy. In this context, it is also necessary to write a short programe document in Romanian outlining the ideal model of coexistence. The legal instrument for moving forward still seems to be the Minority Act provided for in the Constitution but never adopted. In this regard, Romania is in a situation of anti-constitutionality due to omission. Resolving the problem of language use in the judiciary is also a key issue. The establishment of training centres in Cluj-Napoca and Iași within the framework of the National Institute of Magistracy in the short term may be a step forward to tackle the under-representation in the judiciary, while consociational democracy is the solution in the long term for this issue as well. The topic of cultural autonomy, which already exists in certain elements, is also open and may lead to progress, and this must be resolved within the framework of the Minority Act.

The study undertakes to clarify some basic issues that have been erroneously recorded in the public consciousness, to make a kind of confrontation in order to take the initial steps of improving the Romanian−Hungarian relationship. In order to achieve the above goal and basic thesis, it is a primary task to illuminate and banish the mistakes and myths recorded in the public consciousness from both sides. In this context, it is revealed that neither the topos of the "millennial Hungarian oppression" simplified to the extreme nor the thesis of the "slow − anti-Hungarian − Romanian national occupation" can be held. In the interest of constructive dialogue, it is worth returning to the position that prevailed in the Hungarian reform era, and even at the time of the unification of the Romanian states, according to which the interdependence and commonality of destiny of the two peoples is a real and common path. To this end, the study uses legal history to present the original meaning of nationalism, the majority and minority arguments made during the drafting of the Hungarian Nationality Act of 1868, the models that can be interpreted in the majority−minority relationship, and the relationship of the two states to these models then and in the present day. In this context, the constitutional conceptions of Hungary and Romania are analysed in connection with the minority issue with the intention to prove the legitimacy of the needs of the Hungarian minority. The basic premise of the study in this area is that if a minority demand was legitimate from the Hungarian side within the Hungarian state, then the argumentum a simile from the Hungarian side is necessarily legitimate within the Romanian state.