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The migrant crisis that Europe has been facing for many years has triggered an avalanche of xenophobia and the dispersion of anti-migrant sentiments that have become the reference matrix for populist discourse. Anti-migrant discourse emerges in parallel as a form of language use and a form of social and political interaction. The antagonistic stereotypical narrative of migrants begins with the thesis that they constitute a retrograde social group that poses an economic and security threat to the natives and which is not capable of culturally assimilating in the countries of transit and destination (dichotomy Us vs. Them). Spreading anti-migrant discourse becomes a strategy for winning the electorate and an important tool for mobilizing political support. The political engineering of European political parties shows that anti-migrant discourse is not the exclusivity of right-wing parties of the political spectrum (although they are the most closely related), but is becoming an increasingly important topic on the political agenda of left-wing populism. Anti-migrant discourse is reflected through a nationalist and hostile approach to immigration, the glorification of national and sovereign narratives, and hostility to neoliberalism. Anti-migrant narratives have found their footing in the political activities of many European parties that are largely sovereignly profiled. Such a political vault of reasoning transforms migrant into a foreigner and attest on the triumph of communitarianism in regards to cosmopolitanism, which makes the EU's slogan "in varietate concordia" (united in diversity) questionable and subject to deconstruction.

1. Postjugoslovenski kulturni prostor, Balkan i teorija maskuliniteta, danas; 2. Istoriografija i topografija ranjenog maskuliniteta u savremenoj srpskoj prozi; 3. "Cink" Davida Albaharija i "Otac" Miljenka Jegrovića ili: potisnuti maskulinitet i humanističko nasleđe; 4. Ranjivi maskulinitet i antiherojski simulakrum Srđana Valjarevića; 5. Maskulinitet i (anti)utopija: umetničke prakse u prozi Vojislava Destopova i Judite Šalgo; 6. Komunistički gotik i hermafroditske pripovedke pozicije Slobodana Tišme; 7. Šta u Srbiji znači biti "queer": "Brat" Davida Albaharija; 8 Muško telo kao (anti)utopija.

The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell.

Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја prаti rаzvој kоncеpаtа pоlitičkе lеvicе, pоlitičkе dеsnicе i pоlitičkоg cеntrа, оd njihоvоg nаstаnkа svе dо dаnаšnjih dаnа. Krоz gеnеrаlnо rаzmаtrаnjе оvih kоncеpаtа dоktоrskа disеrtаciја nudi i niz mini-biоgrаfskih pоrtrеtа znаčајnih tеоrеtičаrа i držаvnikа, kојi su оbеlеžili pоmеnutе pојmоvе u еvrоpskој pоlitičkој i intеlеktuаlnој istоriјi. Аutоr disеrtаciје, pоrеd disciplinоvаnоg iznоšеnjа nаučnih činjеnicа, nа litеrаlаn nаčin prеzеntuје intеrеsаntnu gеnеrаlnu fаbulu u kојој sе kао glаvni аktеri pојаvlјuјu vоdеćе ličnоsti mоdеrnе еvrоpskе istоriје. Disеrtаciја prikаzuје kаkо ćе, nеkаdа јеdinstvеni pоlitički prоstоri lеvicе i dеsnicе, u pоstmоdеrnоm vrеmеnu biti pоdеlјеni grаđаnskim i аntigrаđаnskim shvаtаnjеm pоlitikе, dоk ćе pоdеlа nа lеvicu i dеsnicu u njihоvim klаsičnim оblicimа biti јоš sаmо sеkundаrnа. Dоktоrskа disеrtаciја pоkаzuје dа nаs tо dоvоdi u јеdnu nоvu tеоriјsku i prаktičnu situаciјu, tе аutоr disеrtаciје u zаklјučnim nаpоmеnаmа rаdа zаklјučuје dа ćе zа stаbilnоst, dеlоtvоrnоst i lеgitimnоst pоlitičkih instituciја nа pоčеtku 21. vеkа biti pоtrеbnа јеdnа nоvа pоstidеоlоškа pоlitikа i pоstidеоlоškа pоlitičkа sоciоlоgiја. ; Doctoral dissertation follows the development of the concepts of the Political Left, the Political Right and the Political Center from the time of their creation to the present day. Through a general discussion of these concepts dissertation offers a series of mini - biographical portraits of important scholars and statesmen, who epitomized these concepts in European political and intellectual history. Author of dissertation, together with disciplined presentation of scientific facts, offers the interesting general story in which as the main actors appear leading figures of modern European history. The dissertation shows how, in the past a unique political space of the Left and the Right, in the postmodern period will be divided by civil and anti-civic understanding of politics, while the division between the Left and the Right in their classical forms remains only secondary. Doctoral dissertation finally demonstrates that previous happenings brings us into a new theoretical and practical situation, and the author of the thesis in the concluding remarks of work concludes that for stability, effectiveness and legitimacy of political institutions at the beginning of the 21st century we need a new post-ideological politics and post-ideological political sociology.

Корупција представља један од најопаснијих фе- номена савременог друштва. Уткана у поре готово свих држава, институција и система у већој или мањој мери, као таква зас- лужује да буде предмет истраживања. Карактеристике коруп- ције указују на препознатљив облик коруптивног понашања, док узроци усмеравају пажњу на извориште проблема, усмеравајући ограничене ресурсе на превентивно уместо на, помало застарело, репресивно поступање. Фактори корупције, који су многобројни, ограничени су на оне који су препознати као најзначајнији и ујед- но највећи катализатори развоја корупције. Благовременим фоку- сирањем на факторе корупције омогућује се ажурирање постоје- ћих и проналажење нових механизама којима се корупција може умањити на ниво који омогућава функционисање владавине права и демократског државног уређења. Као земља која је прошла перио- де рата и транзиције, и која је и даље на свом развојном путу, Ср- бија представља одлично тле за доношење закључака о ваљаности постојећих и проналажењу нових антикорупцијских мера. ; Corruption is one of the most dangerous phenomena of modern society. Woven into the pores of almost all states, institutions and systems to a greater or lesser extent, it deserves as such to be the subject of research. The characteristics of corruption indicate a recognizable form of corrupt behavior, while the causes direct attention to the source of the problem, directing limited resources to preventive rather than, somewhat outdated, repressive behavior. Factors of corruption, which are numerous, are limited to those that are recognized as the most important and at the same time the biggest catalysts for the development of corruption. Timely focusing on the factors of corruption enables the updating of existing and finding new mechanisms by which corruption can be reduced to a level that enables the functioning of the rule of law and a democratic state system. As a country that has gone through periods of war and transition, and that is still on its development path, Serbia is an excellent ground for finding conclusions about the validity of existing and finding new anti-corruption measures.

Historiography under communism, influenced and often motivated by anti-religious and anti-Catholic presuppositions, has held that the opposition of the Catholic Church to legislation and ideology inspired by liberalism in Croatia at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries was not only conservative, but insisted on the identification of Catholicism and Croathood. Historiography termed this supposed trend derogatively as "clericalism". Strecha argues that the term was a bit too strong, and pleads for the term "political catholicism", which in the Croatian context could be named "Catholic Croathood". The author argues that Strecha's terminological suggestion is not only even more confusing, but that he continues the anti-Catholic prejudices of the established historiography. He shows how Strecha simply repeats previously reached conclusions, which were simply repetitions of the anti-Catholic stances of the time. (SOI : CSP: S. 186)

In the 1960s, the quantity of publications on aesthetics of music significantly increased in Hungary. The variability of the subjects, the approaches and the opinions are result of an explicit ideological reordering based on the consequently articulated politics of anti-Stalinism. By the mid-sixties the economic founding and sustainability of socialism and its optimized operation became the crucial problem for the power, hence the importance of natural and social sciences increased in the public discourses. The arts were no longer treated as mere illustrations of the political power and its intentions. I focus on the main contributions to aesthetics of music of the so-called creative Marxism written by three internationally acknowledged Hungarian scholars of this period: József Ujfalussy, Dénes Zoltai and János Maróthy. Selected texts are analized from theoretical points of view and interpreted in the context of the Hungarian cultural policy and the national and international career of their authors as well. ; Током шездесетих година прошлог века, број публикација о естетици музике значајно се повећао у Мађарској. Разноврсност тема, приступа и мишљења резултат је експлицитног идеолошког престројавања услед артикулације политике антистаљинизма. Будући да су средином шездесетих година економска утемељеност и одрживост социјализма и његова оптимизација постале кључни проблем власти, порастао је значај природних и друштвених наука у јавним дискурсима. Уметност више није третирана као пука илустрација политичке моћи и њених циљева. У овом раду фокусирам се на главне доприносе естетици музике од стране заступника тзв. креативног марксизма; аутори чије радове разматрам јесу три међународно призната мађарска естетичара из овог раздобља. Одабрани текстови анализирани су са теоријског становишта и интерпретирани у контексту мађарске културне политике, као и националне и међународне каријере аутора. На основу семиналне књиге Музичка слика стварности (1962) испитујем како се Јожеф Ујфалуси (József Ujfalussy) обавезао да ће конкретизовати основне категорије опште естетике марксизма-лењинизма у музици, да би створио музичко-теоријску основу за дебате о (социјалистичком) реализму у музици. Као резултат својих истраживања, Ујфалуси је разрадио интерпретацију категорије интонације, која садржи психолошке, неурофизиолошке и акустичке компоненте, као и разматрања о историји музичког материјала, мелодији, хармонији и жанровима уопште. Према мојој хипотези, његова естетика је од велике важности јер је послужила као чврста основа за Бартокову парадигму културне политике која се опрезно оријентисала према Западу и његовој "буржоаској" култури. Ову тенденцију је додатно развио Денеш Золтаи (Dénes Zoltai). У овом сегменту текста истражујем како је Золтаи заговарао антидогматску и либерализовану теорију уметности у својој збирци радова Превазилажење "књижевноцентричности" социјалистичког реализма (1964), у којој је музика коришћена као методолошка основа (а не књижевност). У својим написима он је изнео и ново тумачење националног карактера социјалистичке културе, наглашавајући важност интеграције разних дивергентних националних традиција буржоаске уметности. У овом раду, Золтаи се изричито позвао на политички маргинализованог, светски познатог филозофа и естетичара Ђерђа Лукаша (György Lukács), који је са ентузијазмом заговарао оријентацију социјалистичке музичке културе према Бартоковом духу и укупном опусу. Књига Музика и буржоазија, музика и пролетеријат (1966) коју је написао Јанош Мароти (János Maróthy) такође је престављала фундаменталан допринос мултидисциплинарном успостављању марксистичке музикологије у Мађарској. Интегришући неке резултате Ујфалусија и Золтаја, Мароти је конструисао наратив који је требало да буде предисторија социјалистичког реализма. Услед његових политички мотивисаних и застарелих ставова о функцији уметности,као и делимично телеолошког и нормативног карактера његове теорије, ова књига се изразито супротставља другим двема књигама које су предмет овог разматрања. Упоређивањем комплементарних и супротстављених елемената ових дела и њихове рецепције, постају нам разумљиви теоријски проблеми реализма и социјалистичке музичке културе тог времена, а може се видети и како су марксистички теоретичари покушавали да пронађу везу између савремених изазова и европских традиција. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

The author poses the question about the fate of neoconservatism, in the 1980s the official political orientation in the USA. Twenty years later, one can see how anti-communism and anti-modernism, neoconservatism's fundamental ideological premises, have changed the political practice and awareness, both (and equally) in American foreign and national policy. Though conceptually incoherent, neoconservatism has proved to possess exceptional clout. This has led the author to conclude that neoconservatism, despite the claims by neoconservatives themselves that it is dead, still has much leeway, since voters' awareness has been changed: they have got used to the new political context, they vote for well-balanced "mixtures" of rightist and leftist ideologies. (SOI : PM: S. 164)

The author analyzes the confrontation between the brothers Radic and the advocates of the "new course", which inaugurated in the Rijeka and Zadar resolutions new political orientation for Croats. Following an analysis of political and economic conditions, the author presents the critique of the "new course" politics. The central element of his analysis is a comparison between the concept of Austroslavism, which the brothers Radic advocated and the anti-Vienna position, which was the center-piece of the "new course" ideology. (SOI : CSP: S. 485)

The number of killed and perished is often for political expediency raised and multiplied. Much lesser publications deal with the internal structure and operation of the camp and with those who operated it. Among those who ran the camp. two names are of particular interest: Ljubo Milos and Miroslav Filipovic Majstorovic, who were its commanders for a period. Because Majstorovic was a former Catholic priest who was expelled from the Franciscan order, the anti-Catholic propaganda used and is still using that circumstance, to accuse the Catholic Church for participation in crimes. (SOI : CSP: S. 112)

The Vrhbosnian Archbishop dr. Josip Stadler was one of the ecclesiastical prelates who was most vigorously disputed and attacked. One group, which was particularly bitter toward Archbishop Stadler, was the Progressive youth. Trough their weekly and later daily Hrvatski pokret, published in Zagreb, they constantly attacked the archbishop, sometimes approaching the limit of insult. Upon a closer analysis of their writing, however, it is clear their attack was motivated primarily, almost exclusively, by the fact that the archbishop of Sarajevo espoused a diametrically opposite political vision of the future of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Furthermore, due to the fact that the Progressives, as they were called, adhered to an ideology impregnated with anti-Catholicism, the Archbishop, who was an ardent protector of the interests of his Catholic flock in a land where they were a minority, their bitterness toward archbishop can also be understood from that standpoint. Politically, Stadler agreed with the ideas of dr. Josip Frank, the head of the Pure Party of the State Right, who supported first the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and then her incorporation to Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia, so that all Croatian lands can be unified in a single body within the confines of the Habsburg domain. The Progressives, on the other hand, who were members of the Croatian-Serbian Coalition in Croatia, advocated a complete independence of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Since the Serbs were majority population in that region, their opponents accused them of promoting and advocating Serbian interests. In any event, the accusations against Archbishop Stadler by the Progressives should be looked upon with the awareness of their ideological and political presuppositions, and, in that sense, considerably modified. The same applies to the former Yugoslav historiography, for it uncritically appropriated both the ideology and political assessments of the Progressives and other "liberal", anti-Catholic groups. (SOI : CSP: S. 49f.)

Husserl's concept and definition of the living world represents a sort of the pinnacle of his later philosophical works. In the form of a new universal science - transcedental phenomenology - and by defining the living world as - for us - immediate and contiguous world, the known and acknowledged inter-subjectivity, Husserl provides a critique of the modern age i.e. the domination of the paradigm of the objectivist sciences. Husserl's phenomenology also delves into the equally central political and social problems of the contemporary age; Husserl calls for the establishment of a new rationality in judging social and political issues. Particular attention i given to Husserl's vehement critique of anti-liberalism as well as his novel relation "I - We", i. e. the individual and the community or the state. (SOI : PM: S. 153)