Suchergebnisse

Historiography under communism, influenced and often motivated by anti-religious and anti-Catholic presuppositions, has held that the opposition of the Catholic Church to legislation and ideology inspired by liberalism in Croatia at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries was not only conservative, but insisted on the identification of Catholicism and Croathood. Historiography termed this supposed trend derogatively as "clericalism". Strecha argues that the term was a bit too strong, and pleads for the term "political catholicism", which in the Croatian context could be named "Catholic Croathood". The author argues that Strecha's terminological suggestion is not only even more confusing, but that he continues the anti-Catholic prejudices of the established historiography. He shows how Strecha simply repeats previously reached conclusions, which were simply repetitions of the anti-Catholic stances of the time. (SOI : CSP: S. 186)

The author poses the question about the fate of neoconservatism, in the 1980s the official political orientation in the USA. Twenty years later, one can see how anti-communism and anti-modernism, neoconservatism's fundamental ideological premises, have changed the political practice and awareness, both (and equally) in American foreign and national policy. Though conceptually incoherent, neoconservatism has proved to possess exceptional clout. This has led the author to conclude that neoconservatism, despite the claims by neoconservatives themselves that it is dead, still has much leeway, since voters' awareness has been changed: they have got used to the new political context, they vote for well-balanced "mixtures" of rightist and leftist ideologies. (SOI : PM: S. 164)

The author analyzes the confrontation between the brothers Radic and the advocates of the "new course", which inaugurated in the Rijeka and Zadar resolutions new political orientation for Croats. Following an analysis of political and economic conditions, the author presents the critique of the "new course" politics. The central element of his analysis is a comparison between the concept of Austroslavism, which the brothers Radic advocated and the anti-Vienna position, which was the center-piece of the "new course" ideology. (SOI : CSP: S. 485)

The number of killed and perished is often for political expediency raised and multiplied. Much lesser publications deal with the internal structure and operation of the camp and with those who operated it. Among those who ran the camp. two names are of particular interest: Ljubo Milos and Miroslav Filipovic Majstorovic, who were its commanders for a period. Because Majstorovic was a former Catholic priest who was expelled from the Franciscan order, the anti-Catholic propaganda used and is still using that circumstance, to accuse the Catholic Church for participation in crimes. (SOI : CSP: S. 112)

The Vrhbosnian Archbishop dr. Josip Stadler was one of the ecclesiastical prelates who was most vigorously disputed and attacked. One group, which was particularly bitter toward Archbishop Stadler, was the Progressive youth. Trough their weekly and later daily Hrvatski pokret, published in Zagreb, they constantly attacked the archbishop, sometimes approaching the limit of insult. Upon a closer analysis of their writing, however, it is clear their attack was motivated primarily, almost exclusively, by the fact that the archbishop of Sarajevo espoused a diametrically opposite political vision of the future of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Furthermore, due to the fact that the Progressives, as they were called, adhered to an ideology impregnated with anti-Catholicism, the Archbishop, who was an ardent protector of the interests of his Catholic flock in a land where they were a minority, their bitterness toward archbishop can also be understood from that standpoint. Politically, Stadler agreed with the ideas of dr. Josip Frank, the head of the Pure Party of the State Right, who supported first the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and then her incorporation to Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia, so that all Croatian lands can be unified in a single body within the confines of the Habsburg domain. The Progressives, on the other hand, who were members of the Croatian-Serbian Coalition in Croatia, advocated a complete independence of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Since the Serbs were majority population in that region, their opponents accused them of promoting and advocating Serbian interests. In any event, the accusations against Archbishop Stadler by the Progressives should be looked upon with the awareness of their ideological and political presuppositions, and, in that sense, considerably modified. The same applies to the former Yugoslav historiography, for it uncritically appropriated both the ideology and political assessments of the Progressives and other "liberal", anti-Catholic groups. (SOI : CSP: S. 49f.)

Husserl's concept and definition of the living world represents a sort of the pinnacle of his later philosophical works. In the form of a new universal science - transcedental phenomenology - and by defining the living world as - for us - immediate and contiguous world, the known and acknowledged inter-subjectivity, Husserl provides a critique of the modern age i.e. the domination of the paradigm of the objectivist sciences. Husserl's phenomenology also delves into the equally central political and social problems of the contemporary age; Husserl calls for the establishment of a new rationality in judging social and political issues. Particular attention i given to Husserl's vehement critique of anti-liberalism as well as his novel relation "I - We", i. e. the individual and the community or the state. (SOI : PM: S. 153)

In this study the author looks at the life of Istria's small Jewish community during the first half of the twentieth century. He sheds light on the process of socialization and acculturation that took place in urban environments during the period of industrialization. He examines the complex relations between the Jewish and Christian communities. He studies the role played by the Jewish community in the socioeconomic and cultural life of Istria. In particular, he examines the issue of Jewish self-identity before and during the period of fascist rule. He especially studies the effects of racial laws. He also writes about the differences between Italian fascist and nazi anti-semitic policies, especially apparent after the capitulation of Italy, when German forces undertook a policy of extermination of Jewish communities on the Italian territories they occupied. Parallel to this, the author tries t show the conditions in which Jews lived at that time, when they were reduced to the status of non-citizens. (SOI : CSP: S. 95)

In his first interview to Croatian media after a long period of silence, in October 1989 the leader of the newly formed Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), Franjo Tudjman, described himself as 'a Croat man, Marxist, Revolutionary and Historian'. Why did he use concepts such as 'Marxist' and 'Revolutionary' at the time when elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe these concepts became politically incorrect and unpopular? In this article we argue that Tudjman's views on self-determination and secession of Croatia from Yugoslavia were driven by life-long commitment to Leninism and (especially when it comes to the 'national question') Stalinism. When he reappeared in Croatian politics in 1989, Tudjman used the Leninist - not Wilsonian - concept of 'self-determination', which in Lenin's and Stalin's interpretation includes the 'right to secession'. This position enabled him to form an unusual - but logical - coalition with former Communists who were at the same time also nationalists, as well as with anti-Communist separatists. The author analyses the link between Tudjman's politics in the 1990s and Leninist-Stalinist principles of the 'right to self-determination' and 'right to secession'. Adapted from the source document.

While the author is impressed by Cornwell's style and presentation, he is appaled by the lack of seriousness exhibited by the author who writes about an imprtant subject (not broached for the first time, by any means) and by demonstrated inability to supress his preconceived notions and even prejudices. Cornwell relies heavily on Owen Chadwick, which assures that he mentions most important facts about the involvement of the Cardinal and Pope Pius XII (whom Cornwell systematicaly entitles by his family name. Pacelli) in contemporary politics, but he bends and ignores Chadwick's research when he makes his judgment about the Pope. Cornwell's treatment of the Catholic Church in the Independent State of Croatia (he gives it an entrie chapter) is a traversy of research and objective writing. His main source. if not the only, for the presentation of the Church in Croatia during the World War II is the 35 years old book by Carlo Falconi. Cornwell perhaps did not know , but he could have and must have been informed, that Falconi wrote his piece on the basis of the propagandistic material given to him by the Yugos]av secrete service and propagandists, which served the purpose of anti-Chatolic propaganda in Yugoslavia. A well intended reader could excuse Cornwell (he does not read Croatian and could not know what some authors wrote about Falconi's sources at the time his book appeared), if he did not point those "Croatian materials" as essential not only for the condemnation of the Croatian Catholic episcopate, but for Pius XII as well. (SOI : CSP: S. 190)

Petar Rogulja's article "Before the Dawn" (1916) led to an intense debate about the organization of the Croatian Catholic Movement (Hrvatski katolicki pokret - HKP). He is important because he elaborated the ideology of the movement, which played an important role for Catholicism in the political life of Croatia. Rogulja and his supporters (the 'nacionalci' or 'nationalists') tried to reorganize he HKP into a "total system" (potpuni sistem). This meant that cultural and economic organizations were to be included as integral parts of a future political party. His opponents (the integralists or 'integralci') were not successful in attacking his policy. After the "Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes", the first Yugoslavia, was formed (1918), the seniors of the Church organized their own political party - Hrvatska pucka stranka (HPS - Croatian Popular Party). The party claimed to represent "positive elements of the Christian congregation", but also claimed that it was "non-confessional". The seniors made a commitment to "interconfessionalism". The creation of the "Catholic Action - Katolicka akcija" (KA) by Pius XI. provided official support for those Catholics that did not support the policy direction taken by the HKP. Unlike the HKP, which was organized from below, that is to say, by the laity outside of the auspices of the Church hierarchy, the organization of the KA was initiated from above, by the Church hierarchy as a whole. The KA, as defined by the encyclical "Ubi arcano Dei" (1922), along with other acts of the Holy See and the Catholic Church hierarchy, was not to include organizations intending to achieve "mundane objectives", thus, political parties. A political party was at the heart of the HKP, but even though this was the case, Rogulja's supporters contributed to the organization of the KA. Though the KA was meant to be non-political, this did not mean that it was indifferent to politics generally, or to those who based their political activity on Christian/Catholic tenets. Seniors faithful to Rogulja's orientation believed that members of the KA would support their party in political matters. In any case, the leaders of the Catholic Church throughout Croatian lands never obligated its members to support the HPS. Opponents of the seniors' political party, mainly adherents of the Croatian Union of the Eagle (1923), accused them of anti-clericalism. The political disputes among Catholic activists in Croatia was brought to an end, but not resolved, by the Yugoslav Monarch's suspension of the Vidovdan constitution in 1929, at which time political parties where outlawed. (SOI : CSP: S. 455f.)