Vom Euroskeptizismus zum Integrationswiderstand?: Eine empirische Analyse der französischen Bevölkerungseinstellungen zum Prozess der europäischen Integration
In: Region - Nation - Europa 45
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In: Region - Nation - Europa 45
World Affairs Online
In: Le courrier des pays de l'Est: politique, économie et société, Heft 1045, S. 85-94
ISSN: 0590-0239
World Affairs Online
In: Third world quarterly, Band 29, Heft 6, S. 1101-1118
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: Berichte / Forschungsinstitut der Internationalen Wissenschaftlichen Vereinigung Weltwirtschaft und Weltpolitik (IWVWW) e.V, Band 14, Heft 143, S. 15-18
ISSN: 1022-3258
World Affairs Online
In: Europe's world. [English edition] : the only Europe-wide policy journal, Heft 2, S. 30-35
ISSN: 1782-0642
World Affairs Online
In: The Henry L. Stimson lectures series
Is Britain a part of Europe? The British have been ambivalent on this question since the Second World War, when the Western European nations sought to prevent the return of fascism by creating strong international ties throughout the Continent. Britain reluctantly joined the Common Market, the European Community, and ultimately the European Union, but its decades of membership never quite led it to accept a European orientation. In the view of the distinguished political scientist Vernon Bogdanor, the question of Britain's relationship to Europe is rooted in "the prime conflict of our time," the dispute between the competing faiths of liberalism and nationalism. This concise, expertly guided tour provides the essential background to the struggle over Brexit.
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 182-205
ISSN: 1475-6765
Over recent years, Europe has experienced a series of Islamic terrorist attacks. In this article, conflicting theoretical expectations are derived on whether such attacks increase populist Euroscepticism in the form of anti‐immigration, anti‐refugee and anti‐European Union sentiment. Empirically, plausible exogenous variation in the exposure to the 2016 Berlin attack is exploited in two nationally representative surveys covering multiple European countries. No evidence is found for a populist response to the terrorist attack in any of the surveyed countries. On the contrary, people in Germany became more positive towards the EU in the wake of the Berlin attack. Moreover, little evidence is found that ideology shaped the response to the attack. The findings suggest that terrorist attacks are not met by an immediate public populist response.
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In: ... Internationale Hochschulwoche der Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft, 43
In: Südosteuropa-Jahrbuch, Bd. 34
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In: European journal of international relations, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 341-365
ISSN: 1354-0661
World Affairs Online
In: The mobilization series on social movements, protest, and culture
European Narratives and Euroscepticism : an introduction -- Our cases : setting the context, Political and cultural opportunities for Eurosceptic narratives -- Poor EU contestation, external shocks and the rise of illiberalism in the Slovenian post-transition context -- If you scratch the surface : Euroscepticism in Poland -- From strong support to harsh opposition to the EU : the case of Italy -- To join or not to join? The case of North Macedonia -- Anticipating the (European) future while revisiting the (troubled) past : the case of Bosnia Herzegovina -- Conclusion : varieties of Euroscepticism.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 58, Heft 3, S. 797-819
ISSN: 1475-6765
At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far‐reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti‐European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue‐based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU‐related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far‐right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far‐left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.
World Affairs Online
In: India quarterly: a journal of international affairs ; IQ, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 102-123
ISSN: 0019-4220, 0974-9284
World Affairs Online
In: The political quarterly: PQ, Band 73, Heft 3, S. 299-308
ISSN: 0032-3179
World Affairs Online