Suchergebnisse

Das Interview mit einem Aktivisten einer Berliner Antifa-Gruppe thematisiert die Gegebenheiten vor Ort (Berliner Nordosten) und ihre Bedeutung für autoritäre und rechte Bewegungen als auch für antifaschistischen Protest. Geschichte, Sozialstruktur und Veränderungen (des Straßenbilds, der Nachbarschaften etc.) im Großbezirk Pankow werden als Ausdruck, aber auch als Bedingung rechter Hegemoniebestrebungen erkennbar. Im Feld der rechten Bewegungen und Parteien hat sich die AfD als maßgeblicher Akteur etabliert. Der Interviewpartner gibt Auskunft über Strategien und Forderungen, mit denen sich die AfD in lokale Auseinandersetzungen um Sicherheit, Wohnungen oder Großprojekte einbringt und wie sie in der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung auftritt. Einen weiteren Schwerpunkt des Interviews dreht sich um das Verhältnis von antifaschistischer und wohnungspolitischer sozialer Bewegung und in diesem Zusammenhang die sozialpolitischen Ursachen des gegenwärtigen Rechtsrucks.

The article deals with the integration of Sudeten German antifascists ('Antifa-Umsiedler') in the enclave of Dorf Zinna/Neuheim in Brandenburg. After the end of World War II the German population living in the territories of restored Czechoslovakia was expelled from their homes. About 50.000 opponents of the Hitler regime – mostly communists or social democrats – who were also urged to leave their homes in Bohemia and Moravia were transferred by special transports to the Soviet Occupation Zone. The SED expected them to influence the rural regions politically and ideologically. To be successful, though, the newcomers had to be on the one hand politically and ideologically qualified and on the other hand integrated and accepted by the local population. The case study of Dorf Zinna/Neuheim shows that the group of 286 Sudeten German antifascists who came in February 1946 to settle in the depopulated village near Jüterbog was politically not homogeneous at all. Moreover, the strangers were at first not accepted by the local population, even refused by them when they showed their revolutionary traditions. Finally, integration was a matter of time and everyday encounters, very much promoted by working together in the factories of the VEB Gablona that were founded by the Sudeten Germans manufacturing traditional Bohemian jewelry. ; The article deals with the integration of Sudeten German antifascists ('Antifa-Umsiedler') in the enclave of Dorf Zinna/Neuheim in Brandenburg. After the end of World War II the German population living in the territories of restored Czechoslovakia was expelled from their homes. About 50.000 opponents of the Hitler regime – mostly communists or social democrats – who were also urged to leave their homes in Bohemia and Moravia were transferred by special transports to the Soviet Occupation Zone. The SED expected them to influence the rural regions politically and ideologically. To be successful, though, the newcomers had to be on the one hand politically and ideologically qualified and on the other hand integrated and accepted by the local population. The case study of Dorf Zinna/Neuheim shows that the group of 286 Sudeten German antifascists who came in February 1946 to settle in the depopulated village near Jüterbog was politically not homogeneous at all. Moreover, the strangers were at first not accepted by the local population, even refused by them when they showed their revolutionary traditions. Finally, integration was a matter of time and everyday encounters, very much promoted by working together in the factories of the VEB Gablona that were founded by the Sudeten Germans manufacturing traditional Bohemian jewelry.

In recent months recurrent calls have been made by conservative right-wing politicians to designate Antifa a "domestic terrorist organization" in the United States. Fixated on the spectacle of its Black Bloc tactics they have equated Antifa, what is essentially an ad-hoc, non-hierarchical, geographically dispersed social movement comprised of local autonomous activist groups, with organized violent extremists. And yet, the evidence for such an equation has been mostly limited to a handful of instances that usually bare the hallmarks of political exaggeration or are alternatively attributable to individuals loosely associated with the Antifa movement. Why is this so? How do militant anti-fascists in the US understand violence and exercise restraint in their use of it? This article seeks an answer to these questions based on interviews with activists from Portland's Rose City Antifa, one of the United States' most well-known Antifa groups, and an analysis of a collection of the group's Tweets. It reveals that Antifa exercises considerable restraint, internally and externally, with regards to both the literal and rhetorical use of violence within its street and digital activism. In turn it calls upon others to exercise reciprocal levels of restraint by ceasing their labelling of Antifa as a "domestic terrorist" organization.

In recent months recurrent calls have been made by conservative right-wing politicians to designate Antifa a "domestic terrorist organization" in the United States. Fixated on the spectacle of its Black Bloc tactics they have equated Antifa, what is essentially an ad-hoc, non-hierarchical, geographically dispersed social movement comprised of local autonomous activist groups, with organized violent extremists. And yet, the evidence for such an equation has been mostly limited to a handful of instances that usually bare the hallmarks of political exaggeration or are alternatively attributable to individuals loosely associated with the Antifa movement. Why is this so? How do militant anti-fascists in the US understand violence and exercise restraint in their use of it? This article seeks an answer to these questions based on interviews with activists from Portland's Rose City Antifa, one of the United States' most well-known Antifa groups, and an analysis of a collection of the group's Tweets. It reveals that Antifa exercises considerable restraint, internally and externally, with regards to both the literal and rhetorical use of violence within its street and digital activism. In turn it calls upon others to exercise reciprocal levels of restraint by ceasing their labelling of Antifa as a "domestic terrorist" organization.

Стаття присвячена філософському та культурологічному аналізу філософії постмодернізму (постструктуралізму) на основі методології гегельянства, гайдеґґерівської філософії мови, структурного психоаналізу, деконструктивізму, герменевтики, універсальної етики та філософії діалогу. У статті обґрунтовується теза про те, що постмодернізм як модель теоретичної рефлексії є автономним щодо лібералізму та релятивізму концептом "французької школи", що має антиліберальну спрямованість і за закладеними в нього імпліцитними буттєвими смислами кореспондує з консервативним християнським світовідчуттям. Середньовічними онтологічними "ядрами" постмодернізму постають концепти "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Дерріда, "шизоїда" Ж. Дельоза, "рефігурації мови" П. Рікера. Таким чином, звільнений від стереотипів релятивації, постмодернізм постає як третя (консервативна) альтернатива в опозиції європейського вибору між лібералізмом та радикалізмом. ; Статья посвящена философскому и культурологическому анализу философии постмодернизма (постструктурализма) на основе методологии гегельянства, хайдеггеровской философии языка, структурного психоанализа, деконструктивизма, герменевтики, универсальной этики и философии диалога. В статье обосновывается тезис о том, что постмодернизм как модель теоретической рефлексии является автономным по отношению к либерализму и релятивизму концептом "французской школы", имеет антилиберальную направленность и по заложенным в него имплицитным бытийными смыслам корреспондирует с консервативным христианским мироощущением. Средневековыми онтологическими "ядрами" постмодернизма предстают концепты: "реального" Ж. Лакана, "археписьма" Ж. Деррида, "шизоида" Ж. Делёза, "рефигурации языка" П. Рикёра. Таким образом, освобожденный от стереотипов релятивации, постмодернизм выступает как третья (консервативная) альтернатива в оппозиции европейского выбора между либерализмом и радикализмом. ; The article is devoted to the philosophical and cultural analysis of postmodern philosophy (post-structuralism) on the basis of the Hegelian methodology, Heidegger's philosophy of language, structural psychoanalysis, deconstructionism, hermeneutics, universal ethics and philosophy of dialogue. The article substantiates the thesis that postmodernism as a model of theoretical reflection is autonomous with regard to liberalism and relativism with the concept of a "French school", which has an anti-liberal orientation and corresponds to the conservative Christian attitudes imposed by implicit ontological meanings. The medieval ontological "nuclei" of postmodernism are concepts: "Real" by J. Lacan, "Archepism" by J. Derrida, "Schizoid" by J. Deleuze, "language reconfiguration" by P. Ricker. Thus, freed from the stereotypes of relativity, postmodernism appears as a third (conservative) alternative in opposition to the European choice between liberalism and radicalism.The double standard extends to the attitude of liberals to radical currents in crisis processes. Initially, liberal leaders take an overwhelming majority in right-wing nationalism, using it as a tool to support the status quo of capitalism, a means of distracting the masses from real problems, and a mechanism of intimidation. When the mass is intimidated enough, it is proposed to liberalism as "a source of defacing" as the "only alternative". We can talk about the artificial situation of identifying the choice of Fa versus Antifa for the subject who is forced to choose between "purse and life" - between multiculturalism and radical nationalismThe key task of structural psychoanalysis is not only the returning of the conflict to its original place, that is, the disclosure of the deep-seated class traumas of the capitalist neoliberal world itself, according to S. Zizek and other representatives of the Slovenian school, but also - the separation of the philosophy of postmodernism as a spiritual phenomenon from political projects of neoliberalism and multiculturalism, which until recently were considered an applied dimension of postmodern politics and promoted the introduction into the social practice of the vicious circle "liberalism - nationalism liberalism" - a circle that does not provide choice and which excludes from its own semiosfery any other values: ethical and dialogical, modern, conservative, religious, international, non-system Left (antyhlobalistic) and others. In order to realize this task, postmodernism must be considered under the other (not postmodern) viewpoint, depriving it of the stereotypes of "relativism", "cynicism" and "enlightenment", that is, it is necessary to demonstrate that the authentic core of postmodern philosophy is far from multicultural indifference of "post-truth" and includes expressive ontological motives.The double goal of our study: to carry out a critical rethinking of postmodernism as a form of manifestation of a conservative attitude based on hereditary archetypes of the Middle Ages and Modernism, and to show that postmodernism as a philosophy is not the cause of the tragic self-denial of postmodernism as an applied measurement of multiculturalism, that multiculturalism with its vicious circles of relativity , devastation and radicalism is separate from the phenomenon of postmodernism and belongs to the "shock" project of American liberal democracy, and not to "French school" Moreover, the School of Post-Structuralism of the Sorbonne, as the basis of postmodernism, is the descendant of the Marxist school of "new left" in Frankfurt and its meaning is fundamentally anti-capitalist and anti-liberal.By combining among themselves in a single interdisciplinary field the classical philosophy of M. Heidegger's language, J. G. Derrida's "grammar", G. Lacan's structural psychoanalysis, J. Habermas's universal ethics, J. de Gaulle's schizodiscourse, and hermeneutics and the philosophy of P. Ricker's dialogue, we have shown that In the semantic field of postmodernism there are ontological kernels of conservatism, which approximate this philosophical model to medieval traditionalist thought and make the border between modern and postmodern very conditional. The return of postmodernism to the status of the philosophy of being and the liberation of the French school from the stereotypes of "lack" and "loseness" is necessary in order to protect postmodernism from accusations of cynicism, relativism and "emptiness", since these allegations are, firstly, based on the mixing of postmodernism with liberal irony, and, secondly, often serve as an excuse for the revival of various kinds of fundamentalist aspirations. We have shown that liberalism, by provoking through the irony of the identification of the "illusion", initially contributes to the development of radical movements, and then, when they emerge from the symbolic control, they remove them from the agenda as "fascist", opposing them to themselves. There is a closed vicious circle of impossibility to choose between "Fa and Antifa". Our work was an attempt to remove postmodernism from this circle.

Young Germans do not see themselves represented in the Antifa Movement, some even avoid it in everyday conversations. In the present Dissertation I propose to discover why. Through fieldwork research with a local Antifa Group in Germany, I understood that this divergency is towards Antifa's most extreme sub-groups, be it due to their ideological approach or to their tactics to pursue their political goals. One of the groups exemplified are the Revolutionäre Linke Mannheim and their communist heritage towards a classless society, the other are the anarchic Autonome and their view of violence being legitimate to pursue political goals. I argue that albeit being a group that is theoretically appealing to younger generations, young Germans do not want to associate themselves with extreme political positions and want above all peace and are concerned with the increase violence in their society. The Antifa Movement I had one-on-one contact with is aware that they need to single themselves out from these more radical fringes in order to achieve their goal of reaching the mainstream society. I conclude the Dissertation by covering several considerations that the Literature advises can be done in order to appease the current political division and in particular, the extreme-left scene in Germany. ; Os jovens alemães não se reveem no Movimento Antifa, alguns evitam o tema nas suas conversas no dia-a-dia. Na presente Dissertação eu proponho descobrir o porquê. Através de uma pesquisa no terreno em que me integrei num grupo local do Movimento Antifa alemão, percebi que existe uma divergência entre a imagem pública e privada do mesmo. Os jovens não aprovam a abordagem mais extremista de alguns subgrupos do Movimento, seja pela sua abordagem ideológica ou pelas suas táticas para atingir os seus objetivos políticos. Um dos grupos exemplificado é o 'Revolutionäre Linke Mannheim' e a sua herança comunista de uma ambição a uma sociedade sem classes, o outro grupo são os 'Autonome' e a sua posição anarquista que considera legítima a violência para fins políticos. Considero que, não obstante ser um grupo que é teoricamente apelativo para gerações mais novas, os jovens alemães não se querem aliar a posições políticas extremas uma vez que almejam acima de tudo paz e estão apreensivos com o aumento de violência na sua sociedade. O movimento Antifa com o qual mantive contacto privilegiado está ciente de que a fim de atingirem o seu objetivo de apelar à sociedade convencional, tem de se destacar destas franjas mais radicais. Concluo a presente Dissertação ao enumerar várias considerações que a literatura expõe em relação ao que pode ser feito para apaziguar a atual divisão política e, em particular, a extrema esquerda na Alemanha.

This study conducts a thematic analysis to discover correlations between extremist political organizations of the past and those currently active. These organizations include right-wing militias, white supremacist groups, left-wing revolutionary movements, and militant antifa groups.

Gord Hill is a member of the Kwakwa̱ka̱'wakw nation. In addition to numerous zines and articles, Hill is author of three widely-read illustrated histories: The Antifa Comic Book: 100 Years of Fascism and Antifa Movements (2018); The Anti-Capitalist Comic Book: From the WTO to G20 (2012); and 500 Years of Resistance Comic Book (2010; revised and expanded ed., 2021). He maintains the Warrior Publications website -- warriorpublications.wordpress.com – "to promote warrior culture, fighting spirit, and resistance movements." Allan Antliff is Professor of Art History and Visual Studies at the University of Victoria. He is author of Anarchist Modernism: Art, Politics, and the First American Avant-Garde (2001), Anarchy and Art from the Paris Commune to the fall of the Berlin Wall (2007), and Joseph Beuys (2014). Antliff is also editor of Only a Beginning: An Anarchist Anthology (2004) and Director of the University of Victoria's Anarchist Archive. In addition to serving as editor of ADCS, he is art editor for the interdisciplinary U.K.-based journal, Anarchist Studies.

В статье рассматривается становление и развитие антифашистского молодежного движения в г. Сыктывкаре начала второго десятилетия XXI в. На основании впервые проведенного прикладного социологического исследования предпринята попытка определить типические черты и особенности антифа-движения как специфического направления субкультурной молодежной среды столицы Республики Коми. ; The characteristics of the genesis of the left-radical movement "Antifa" in Syktyvkar is given. The influence of cooperation of its representatives with members of the Komi Human Rights Commission "Memorial" on the formation and development of Syktyvkar antifascists is considered. These contacts are connected with general problems of countering the spread of influence of xenophobic and right-wing ideas in Russian society. Much attention is paid to the analysis of regional features of the anti-fascist movement. We analyzed the composition of the participants in the movement, the features of ideology and practice, the methods and means of struggle, the attitude to violence and to the state, and especially the social ideals of the antifascists. We consider the ideological orientations of modern Russian anti-fascists, as well as the typical movement forms of political action. Along with consideration of practical activity we attempted to analyze the composition of political preferences and orientations of modern anti-fascists. We study in detail the mechanism of the anti-fascist ideas propaganda (various street actions, including environmental ones, explanation of the objectives and tasks of the anti-fascist movement with the aid of internet resources, presentations at various discussion sites). Particular attention is paid to the areas of activity of Syktyvkar anti-fascists ecology, anti-militarism, independent music festivals and the violent street confrontation of militant-Antifa to representatives of the right skin culture. Of interest is the fact that the paper is based on data of sociological survey conducted for the first time among anti-fascists of Syktyvkar in 2014, which allows us to conclude that the anti-fascist movement in the capital of Komi exists and corresponds by the basic parameters to the anti-fascist formations in other regions of the country. The Society of Syktyvkar Antifa is a network organization with a distinct subcultural basis.

Das "Deutsche Haus" wurde in Folge der Entstehung eines neuen Stadtteils nördlich des Bahnhofes in der Zeit der Industrialisierung erbaut. Mit der wachsenden Industrie- und Wohnbebauung dieses Gebietes (expandierende Glashütten, "Saxonia Eisenwerke und Eisenbahnbedarfsfabrik") sollte die Arbeiterschaft auch "schankmäßig" ausreichend versorgt werden. Außerdem wurde das Deutsche Haus, unmittelbar in Bahnhofsnähe, zu einem kulturellen und politischen Anlaufpunkt, so wurde hier als Höhepunkt die Gründungsversammlung des "Consum Verein für Radeberg" am 27. Mai 1877 durchgeführt und der Name "ALLGEMEINER CONSUMVEREIN ZU RADEBERG beschlossen und eingetragen. Historische politische Ereignisse für Radeberg waren die Reden von August Bebel und Wilhelm Liebknecht im Deutschen Haus, die mit ihren Ausführungen auf eine sozialdemokratische Orientierung der zahlenmäßig starken Arbeiterschaft abzielten. Unter DDR-Bedingungen wurde es anderen Bestimmungen zugeführt, zunächst "Haus der Antifa-Jugend" und dann 1946 "Haus der FDJ". Nach Gründung der Pionierorganisation 1948 wurde es zum "Haus der Jungen Pioniere".

Die in westlichen Ländern seit den 1970er Jahren abflauende linke Kapitalismuskritik hat seit dem Aufkommen globalisierungskritischer Bewegungen und nachfolgender Mobilisierungen (Occupy, Anti-Austerity-Bewegungen, Blockupy-Netzwerk, einer weiteren Generation von Antifa-Gruppen) wieder an Dynamik und Attraktivität gewonnen. Allerdings setzt diese Kritik auch neue Akzente und geht über einen traditionellen – zumal von revolutionärer Emphase getragenen – linken Antikapitalismus hinaus. In dem Beitrag wird (1) eine allgemeine Systematik kapitalismuskritischer Positionen vorgestellt und (2) die Entwicklung neuerer kapitalismuskritischer Bewegungen beleuchtet, um diese Bewegungen dann innerhalb eines zweidimensionalen politisch-ideologischen Koordinatensystems zu verorten. Schließlich wird (3) der Zusammenhang von Kapitalismuskritik und Zivilgesellschaft erörtert. ; In western countries critique of capitalism was in decline since the 1970s. With the rise of Global Justice Movements and a wave of subsequent movements (Occupy, anti-austerity movements, Blockupy, a further generation of antifascist groups) the left-wing critique of capitalism regained momentum and attractiveness. This critique, however, contains new elements and partially transcends the traditional leftist anti-capitalism. The essay presents (1) a general typology of positions critical towards capitalism and (2) sketches the evolution of recent leftist movements including changes of their size and positions within a two-dimensional ideological framework. Finally, (3) the essay offers a brief discussion of the link between the critique of capitalism and civil society.

Opponents of states and capital must be prepared to defend ourselves. To understand the nature of the state is to know that it will attack to kill when and where it feels a threat to its authority and power. But the struggles against exploitation, oppression, and repression must also move to the offensive. With the emboldening of reactionary forces on the far Right, there has been a renewed focus on issues of community self-defense, not only against the violence of the state but against organized fascists and Right-wing vigilantes alike. There has also been a developing seriousness, particularly among anarchist and antifascist, or antifa, activists. The goal of all anarchism is not to eliminate violence in social struggle (a futile and impossible pursuit given the nature of the state), but to limit the amount, degree, and extent of violence and harm inflicted by state agents, and their vigilante supporters, on the poor, oppressed, and exploited. And this is part of the emphasis on insurrectionary infrastructures. Non-material (emotional) and material resources and spaces are necessary to defend communities and workplaces under attack, but also to organize possible, and necessary, offensives. Insurrectionary Infrastructures reflects on strategies and tactics of rebellion and resistance and offers suggestions for fighting to win

Weaving together influences from philosophy, visual and sonic aesthetics, and radical political thought, this project argues that individual and collective imagination should be understood as important sites of politics—in cultural, discursive, institutional, and collectivist registers. Rather than proposing dogmatic adherence to any particular ideology, we find that imagining new possibilities, as well as the possibilities for more possibilities, is centrally important to the endeavor of seeking radical change in the contemporary capitalist/state system. By turning to the examples of two politico-aesthetic movements, the Handicraft movement of William Morris and the Hammersmith Socialist League of the 19th century and the 20th/21st century cultures of punk rock, we witness the successes and failures of attempts to intervene in political imaginaries. I focus on the anachronistic, non-capitalist mode of production of so-called 'do-it-yourself' (or D.I.Y.), I argue that such productive processes could represent such an inter-temporal rupture point of radical anachronism that I have theorized, and can therefore demonstrate the potentiality of wellsprings for the creation of new forms of politics, paradoxically contributing to the progress of inclusivity and egalitarian politics through the introduction of anachronistic performances, visuals, and music.Specifically, they reveal the surprising ways in which inter-temporal rupture through anachronistic aesthetic forms and modes of productions can not only disrupt hegemonic notions of progressive linear time, but also question the radical imperative towards production of the new. These movements hence illuminate important implications for the tactics, tensions, and most of all thought—and preconditions for thought—that underpin contemporary progressive politics (e.g. Anti-globalization, Occupy, Black Lives Matter, revolutionaries in Rojava and especially, and most contentiously and controversially the contemporary Antifa movements) by demonstrating the radical potentialities of aesthetics, space, and anachronism for the introduction of historical rupture contained within politico-aesthetic shock. These movements are deeply concerned with democratic participation and social justice, and so we can use Morris and punk as a window in to deep analysis of tactics as utilized by the aforementioned anti-capitalist and anti-fascist movements.

L'orientamento internazionalista della socialdemocrazia italiana nel Litorale austriaco corrispondeva agli interessi della centrale socialista viennese che allo stesso tempo favorì il nazionalismo propugnato dai socialisti sudslavi, considerato un fattore di coesione della monarchia anche dopo l'allargamento del suffragio. Dopo la dissoluzione della monarchia e l'annessione all'Italia, la resistenza nazionale slava nella Venezia Giulia fu vista dal Comintern come possibile strumento di sovversione dell'Italia fascista e, di conseguenza, il Partito Comunista italiano dovette assecondare le richieste nazionali jugoslave in Venezia Giulia. La repressione fascista colpirà con maggiore efficacia i comunisti italiani di quelli slavi in Venezia Giulia, smantellandone l'apparato e la predominanza organizzativa jugoslava si estese ulteriormente nel 1939 quando il Comintern assegnò al Partito Comunista Jugoslavo, guidato da Tito, il compito di rifondare un "centro interno" comunista in Italia. Il controllo assoluto da parte jugoslava del movimento di resistenza antifascista sviluppatosi in Istria e nel Litorale a partire del 1941 impedì qualsiasi forma autonoma di organizzazione comunista italiana nella Venezia Giulia, i cui ultimi resti furono sgominati dall'occupazione germanica della regione. ; Radni~ki pokret Ju'nih Slavena u Austrijskom Primorju se do Prvog svjetskog rata dostigao u organizacionom i politi~kom pogledu organizacije Talijana. Talijanske radni~ke organizacije su ideolo{ki internacionalisti~ke a organizaciono ujedno i izolirane jer je njihovo djelovanje ograni~eno na gradove (Trst, Pula pa i Rijeka koja je pripojena Ma|arskoj) gdje Talijani jo{ uvijek imaju premo}. Be~ka socijalisti~ka centrala podr'ava internacionalizam i reformisti~ ki svjetonazor kod Talijana radi spre~avanja {irenja talijanskog iredentizma kod radnih slojeva koje smatra podlo'nima radikalizmu i anarhiji. Istovremeno Be~ vidi u slovenskom i ju'noslavenskom nacionalizmu faktor integracije Monarhije koji je vezivao te narode za habsbur{ku dr'avnu tvorevinu u razdoblju dru{tvene i politi~ke modernizacije, koja pritom pretpostavlja emancipaciju {irokih radnih slojeva. Nakon Prvog svjetskog rata otpor Slovenaca i Hrvata (npr. Teroristi~ka organizacija TIGR) podr'ava i Kominterna jer u njoj vidi mogu}i faktor prevrata fa{isti~ke Italije. Zbog toga talijanska Komunisti~ka Partija (KPI) postepeno prihva}a nacionalne zahtjeve Slovenaca i Hrvata za promjenu granice u Julijskoj Krajini. Fa{isti~ki organi represije efikasno progone talijanske komuniste zbog ~ega }e oni u Julijskoj Krajini do 1939 gotovo prestati s organiziranim radom. Jugoslavenska premo} u {irem regionu raste nakon {to je 1939 Kominterna povjerila Titu obnovu organizacije KPI u samoj Italiji. Rukovodstvo nad antifa{isti~kim ustankom u Julijskoj Krajini i Istri KPJ nije ustupala talijanskim organizacijama kojima je na taj na~in onemogu}eno svako samostalno djelovanje i to u ratnim uvjetima. Naposljetku posljednje poku{aje samostalnog djelovanja talijanske strane osujetiti }e Nijemci nakon okupacije ~itavog Jadranskog Primorja koja je uslijedila nakon kapitulacije Italije.