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Transatlantic Abolitionism in the Age of Revolution offers a fresh exploration of anti-slavery debates in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It challenges traditional perceptions of early anti-slavery activity as an entirely parochial British, European or American affair, and instead reframes the abolition movement as a broad international network of activists across a range of metropolitan centres and remote outposts. Interdisciplinary in approach, this book explores the dynamics of transatlantic abolitionism, along with its structure, mechanisms and business methods, and in doing so, highlights the delicate balance that existed between national and international interests in an age of massive political upheaval throughout the Atlantic world. By setting slave trade debates within a wider international context, Professor Oldfield reveals how popular abolitionism emerged as a political force in the 1780s, and how it adapted itself to the tumultuous events of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries

Frederick Douglass and George Fitzhugh disagreed on virtually every major issue of the day. On slavery, women's rights, and the preservation of the Union their opinions were diametrically opposed. Where Douglass thundered against the evils of slavery, Fitzhugh counted its many alleged blessings in ways that would make modern readers cringe. What then could the leading abolitionist of the day and the most prominent southern proslavery intellectual possibly have in common? According to David F. Ericson, the answer is as surprising as it is simple; liberalism. In The Debate Over Slavery David F. Ericson makes the controversial argument that despite their many ostensible differences, most Northern abolitionists and Southern defenders of slavery shared many common commitments: to liberal principles; to the nation; to the nation's special mission in history; and to secular progress. He analyzes, side-by-side, pro and antislavery thinkers such as Lydia Marie Child, Frederick Douglass, Wendell Phillips, Thomas R. Dew, and James Fitzhugh to demonstrate the links between their very different ideas and to show how, operating from liberal principles, they came to such radically different conclusions. His raises disturbing questions about liberalism that historians, philosophers, and political scientists cannot afford to ignore.

This history analyzes women's antislavery petitions, the speeches calling women to petition and public reaction from 1831 to 1865. It argues that petitioning not only made significant steps to abolish slavery but also contributed toward transforming women's political identity

"In 1836, an enslaved six-year-old girl named Med was brought to Boston by a woman from New Orleans who claimed her as property. Learning of the girl's arrival in the city, the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) waged a legal fight to secure her freedom and affirm the free soil of Massachusetts. While Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw ruled quite narrowly in the case that enslaved people brought to Massachusetts could not be held against their will, BFASS claimed a broad victory for the abolitionist cause, and Med was released to the care of a local institution. When she died two years later, celebration quickly turned to silence, and her story was soon forgotten. As a result, Commonwealth v. Aves is little known outside of legal scholarship. In this book, Karen Woods Weierman complicates Boston's identity as the birthplace of abolition and the cradle of liberty, and restores Med to her rightful place in antislavery history by situating her story in the context of other writings on slavery, childhood, and the law"--

During the Age of Revolution, abolitionist ideas interacted with notions of liberty, independence, and equality. Although slavery often served as a metaphor, in opposition to freedom, it also had tangible meanings for the enslaved. This study traces the development of revolutionary beliefs that connected reformers and abolitionists across the Atlantic world, as well as the rise of conservative ideologies that divided them. Democratic politics, religious enthusiasm, and abolitionism converged in the late eighteenth century, with significant implications for antislavery efforts. The French Revolution, in particular, represented the culmination of radical Enlightenment ideals and emboldened democrats in the United States, contributing to transatlantic cooperation on the issue of abolition. Social conservatives, in response to Jacobin terror in France and fears of spreading religious infidelity, expressed concerns over political extremism, which included abolitionism. Anti-Jacobinism divided the nascent antislavery movement, pushing some towards moderation and others to abandon the cause altogether in the interest of maintaining a fragile Jeffersonian coalition. Understanding the political and cultural responses to the transatlantic radicalism of the period is therefore crucial to comprehending the trajectory of the American abolitionist movement.

"Reprinted from The South in the building of the nation (vol. iv)" ; Bibliography : p. 422. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Ouvrage auquel une médaille d'or a été décernée par l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Abbreviations -- Prologue -- Introduction -- 1 "Many negroes in these parts may prove prejudissial several wayes to us and our posteraty": The Crucial Elements of Exclusion and Social Control in Pennsylvania's Early Antislavery Movement -- 2 "A certain simple grandeur . . . which awakens the benevolent heart": The American Colonization Society's Effective Marketing in Pennsylvania -- 3 "Calculated to remove the evils, and increase the happiness of society": Mathew Carey and the Political and Economic Side of African Colonization -- 4 "We here mean literally what we say": Elliott Cresson and the Pennsylvania Colonization Society's Humanitarian Agenda -- 5 "They will never become a people until they come out from amongst the white people": James Forten and African American Ambivalence to African Colonization -- 6 "A thorough abolitionist could not be such without being a colonizationist": Benjamin Coates and Black Uplift in the United States and Africa -- 7 "Our elevation must be the result of self-efforts, and work of our own hands": Martin R. Delany and the Role of Self-Help and Emigration in Black Uplift -- 8 "Maybe the Devil has got to come out of these people before we will have peace": Assessing the Successes and Failures of Pennsylvania's Competing Antislavery Agendas -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Index -- About the Author

Jeffrey R. Kerr-Ritchie's Freedom's Seekers offers a bold and innovative intervention into the study of emancipation as a transnational phe-nomenon and serves as an important contribution to our understanding of the remaking of the nineteenth-century Atlantic Americas. Drawing on decades of research into slave and emancipation societies, Kerr-Ritchie is attentive to those who sought but were not granted freedom, and those who resisted enslavement individually as well as collectively on behalf of their communities. He explores the many roles that fugitive slaves, slave soldiers, and slave rebels played in their own societies. He likewise explicates the lives of individual freedmen, freedwomen, and freed children to show how the first free-born generation helped to shape the terms and conditions of the post-slavery world. Freedom's Seekers is a signal contribution to African Diaspora studies, especially in its rigorous respect for the agency of those who sought and then fought for their freedom, and its consistent attention to the transnational dimensions of emancipation.

"In 1836, an enslaved six-year-old girl named Med was brought to Boston by a woman from New Orleans who claimed her as property. Learning of the girl's arrival in the city, the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) waged a legal fight to secure her freedom and affirm the free soil of Massachusetts. While Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw ruled quite narrowly in the case that enslaved people brought to Massachusetts could not be held against their will, BFASS claimed a broad victory for the abolitionist cause, and Med was released to the care of a local institution. When she died two years later, celebration quickly turned to silence, and her story was soon forgotten. As a result, Commonwealth v. Aves is little known outside of legal scholarship. In this book, Karen Woods Weierman complicates Boston's identity as the birthplace of abolition and the cradle of liberty, and restores Med to her rightful place in antislavery history by situating her story in the context of other writings on slavery, childhood, and the law"--

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- ONE: "The power that giveth liberty and freedom" BARBADOS, 1657-76 -- TWO: "We are against the traffik of men-body" PENNSYLVANIA, 1688-1700 -- THREE: "The grief of divers friends" PENNSYLVANIA-LONDON-NEW JERSEY, 1711-19 -- FOUR: "O unrighteous gain!" FROM RHETORIC TO RITUAL, 1727-43 -- FIVE: "A practice so repugnant to our Christian profession" PHILADELPHIA AND LONDON, 1753-61 -- Notes -- Bibliography of Works Cited -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

Imperfect: all after p. 59 wanting. ; Bibliography: p. 59+. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Reprinted from Deutsch-Amerikanische Geschichtsblätter, Jahrbuch der Deutsch-Amerikanischen Historischen Gesellschaft von Illinois--Jahrgang 1918-19 (Vol. XVIII-XIX)." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; will reformat

Three-page letter dated June 30, 1853, from L. [Lysander] Spooner in Boston [Massachusetts] to [George] Bradburn, disucssing the travels of Mrs. [Frances] Bradburn, the political stance of Horace Mann, and other ablolitionist news.