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The question which I explore is to what degree, and in what way, the paradigm of anti-apartheid literature gives way to its post-apartheid successor. More particularly, I explore how post-apartheid South African novels perpetuate, displace or transmute the narrative forms and conventions characteristic of anti-apartheid writing. I therefore read the forms and conventions in certain post-apartheid novels through the lens of anti-apartheid discourse, in particular its demand for politically engaged realism, tracing continuity and change. I argue that The Good Doctor (2003) by Damon Galgut and Karoo Boy by Troy Blacklaws (2004) reiterate anti-apartheid conventions through devices that become anachronistic, in that they reproduce antiapartheid literary dynamics without adaptation to the post-apartheid conditions represented or implied in these texts. Formal reinvention, however, is evident in the following novels. In The Restless Supermarket (2002), Ivan Vladislavi displaces political engagement from narrative form into the speech acts of his narrator. This text thereby stages a lexical meditation that displaces the typical realist sequence of symptomatic events. Despite this innovation, there are continuities between his work and the early writing of J.M. Coetzee, which suggest that Coetzee anticipated characteristic post-apartheid narrative strategies ahead of their time. Further, the innovative magic realist forms of Zakes Mda's Ways of Dying (1995) and Phaswane Mpe's Welcome to Our Hillbrow (2001) engage with crises of transition so dire that death becomes their central metaphor. Both writers introduce the device of orature as assertions of African identity. However, Mda counterposes orature against death, injecting through it a humanising principle. In Mpeâs novel, by contrast, orature acquires a murderous agency. I trace variants of what I term "fractured form", namely form that is duplicitous, or otherwise dualistic, through a further group of novels. My premise is that the social fracture represented as content scripts the formal fracture/fractiousness in their narrative forms. An attendant property is to disrupt nationalist discourse in its dominant post-apartheid manifestation, namely the rainbow nation mythos. The texts in this group are Disgrace (1999) by J.M. Coetzee, David's Story (2000) by Z Wicomb, Achmat Dangor's Bitter Fruit (2001), Zakes Mda's The Madonna of Excelsior (2002), and What Kind of Child (Barris 2006). In conclusion, the central question to which I attend has been raised by Michael Green (1997: 7), namely how a body of texts generated within the episteme of anti-apartheid can be meaningfully related to the literary paradigm that replaces it. I find that in the collective formal inventions, fractures and displacements demonstrated in this thesis, an emergent post-apartheid episteme becomes discernable.

Am 1. Februar 2022 präsentierte Amnesty International einen umfassenden Bericht, in dem es Israel vorwirft, an den Palästinenserinnen und Palästinensern Apartheid zu verüben und damit ein Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit zu begehen. Der Amnesty-Bericht reiht sich ein in eine Serie von Publikationen palästinensischer, israelischer und internationaler Menschenrechtsorganisationen, die in Israel bzw. den palästinensischen Gebieten nunmehr die Schwelle zur Apartheid überschritten sehen. Dabei gehen die Meinungen in den einzelnen Berichten darüber auseinander, in welchem Gebiet solche Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit begangen werden. Die Bundesregierung sollte sich den Apartheid-Vorwurf nicht ohne sorgfältige Prüfung zu eigen machen, die gravierenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen, die der Amnesty-Bericht dokumentiert, aber ernst nehmen. Daraus erwachsen Deutschland allein schon auf Basis der Genfer Konventionen direkte Rechtspflichten.

Namibia, ein Staat im südwestlichen Afrika, welcher zunächst vom deutschen Kaiserreich kolonialisiert worden war und in dem nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg als Mandatsgebiet Südafrikas die Apartheidsgesetze galten, blickt auf eine lange Geschichte der rassischen Trennung und Ausbeutung zurück. Dieser Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit verschiedenen Trinkstätten der südafrikanischen Periode und der Frage, was sich über das Zusammenleben (oder auch Nicht-Zusammenleben) der verschiedenen Bevölkerungsgruppen des Landes innerhalb dieser Einrichtungen feststellen lässt bzw. inwiefern sie einerseits offen waren und andererseits Grenzen sichtbar machen. Ersichtlich wird dabei, das große Interesse der Regierung, diese Orte zu kontrollieren. Außerdem kann festgestellt werden, dass sich Konflikte innerhalb solcher Trinkstätten (oder sie betreffend) nicht nur auf den Gegensatz zwischen Schwarzen/People of Color und Weißen beschränkten. ; (VLID)5342509

Since the official end of apartheid, different state actors and non-state actors have beenchanting the creed of national reconciliation and reconstruction for a better and harmoniousSouth Africa. In fact, Desmond Tutu's vision of the "rainbow nation", to an extent, has been thedriving force behind the policies of successive regimes in South Africa following the trauma anddispossession of the past. Since literature can also be conceived as an interpretation of societyin time and space, the discourse of national reconciliation and reconstruction has found inroadsin the literary and cultural productions of post-apartheid South Africa. This paper, thus, seeks toshow the relationship between post-apartheid female narratives and post-apartheid politics. Inother words, it verifies the contributory role of South African female writers in re-negotiating,re-conciliating and re-constructing the post-apartheid nation. In this connection, this paper ispredicated on the premise that the post-apartheid South African female writer, just like her malecounterpart, is also involved in the political project of nation building through politicalnegotiation, reconciliation, and reconstruction. These writers, in their works, affirm the view thatwithout political dialogue and reconciliation, the nation-building project in post-apartheid SouthAfrica is a mere hoax and an exercise in futility.

Comedy during the apartheid era was an integral medium for indoctrination and pacification. It was also a key instrument through which the apartheid regime was contested, and, in the later years leading up to democracy, a means of promoting the nation-building and cultural reconciliation rhetoric. This notwithstanding, its history during this period remains poorly researched and documented both in academia, specifically, and more broadly in the entertainment and media industry. This article therefore traces the development and practice of comedy in the country under apartheid rule, paying attention to how shifts in content, delivery across platforms and stylistic choices mirror changes in the country's socio-political landscape. By exploring South African comedy from a historical perspective, this article further highlights the ongoing connectivity of politics and comedy in a way that simultaneously encapsulates issues of space, place and citizenship in evocative ways.

In his book about his Irish-South African family and his childhood under apartheid, White Boy Running, Christopher Hope writes of the 'bitter emotion' that infuses the politics of both Ireland and South Africa. This article considers how the histories of political struggle in both places are intertwined through readings of photographs taken in Ireland and South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. I draw on these photographs to develop an argument about how affective archives of music, images, and poetry travel across time and space and serve as a conduit for raising awareness about injustice and for forging transnational solidarity. At the same time these photographs provoke a consideration about how Irish identification with the struggle of black South Africans is complicated by the longer history of British colonialism and racism and how solidarity requires both remembering and forgetting. This article also begins to trace the presence and work of South African activists in Ireland who campaigned against apartheid while they were in exile.

Julius Malema has been one of the most prominent and controversial public figures in post apartheid South Africa. This article examines his impact within the post apartheid public sphere as a space of spectacle. Working with a notion of the public sphere as constituted through a hybrid of rational and affective modes of communication, the article shows how a politics of spectacle articulated commercial and cultural changes in the country's mass media after 1994. This confluence shaped Malema's public persona and impact on the terms of public debate during his tenure as president of the ANC Youth League. The angry, unruly bad boy of post apartheid politics, Malema's racial populism provoked garrulous public talk, often with far more heat than light, and traversed by racist invective that the earlier years of public dialogue had largely held at bay; yet he also exposed the force of old and emergent fault lines in the new social order more directly and acutely than many others have done. I argue that, symbolically, Malema entered the public sphere as a counterpoint to Nelson Mandela unsettling the iconography of non racialism, reasserting an angry and confrontational version of race that reinstated the spectre of violent conflagration that Mandela's 'miracle' held at bay.

The thesis explores the patterns and evolution of income polarization, income stratification, and social polarization in post-Apartheid South Africa. It uses data from a survey conducted at the end of Apartheid, and data from two post-Apartheid surveys to understand the socio-economic transformation the country has undergone since the end of Apartheid. At the dawn of democracy in 1994, South Africa implemented many reforms to redress the effects of Apartheid. Two decades after the fall of Apartheid, the country is still battling against the social and economic hierarchies bestowed during the period of Apartheid. Black/African people, for example, still constitute at least 90% of the poor, unemployment hovers around 25% (with Blacks/African having 32% unemployment rate), and inequality is unchanged. There are also concerns of increasing intolerance to diversity as well as plummeting levels of social cohesion in the country. Therefore, if these disparities are not properly understood and addressed, disintegration could emerge as the future threat. Thus, our goal in this thesis is to examine the impact of political transition, which was followed by the enactment of a number of reforms, on the appearance (or disappearance) of economic distances and differences across population groups. This investigation is carried out through the perspective of income polarization and income stratification literature. Chapter 2 presents the analysis of the concepts of bi-polarization and polarization on the distribution of income in South Africa between 1993 and 2014-2015. Applying the non-parametric relative distribution approach and the summary measures of bipolarization and polarization, the chapter finds that, from 1993 to 2008, as inequality rises, both notions of polarization also increase, but at a much higher rate such that the distribution becomes perfectly bi-polar. During the period between 2008 to 2014, the level of bi-polarization falls below its 1993 level. Given the axiomatised link between bi-polarization and the size of the middle class, the results point to an increase in the size of the middle class in South African since the fall of apartheid. Lastly, the chapter finds that the distribution of government transfers and that of remittances have a depolarizing effect, while the distribution of labour income and of capital income have a tendency to erect poles on the national income distribution. Chapter 3 attempts, on the basis of Analysis of Gini, to provide the extent to which the income distributions of racial groups are hierarchically ordered along the national income distribution. Hierarchically ordering of income distributions assumes convergence, or lack of it, of incomes and of education across the racial groups. Therefore, first the chapter presents the rate of convergence of education and of income across the racial groups to serve as a backdrop in the analysis of overlapping of distribution of income across the racial group. The chapter finds that the income distribution of Whites overlaps less with that of the overall population and that of other racial groups, and changes in the distribution of labour income, and of capital income are likely to increase the degree of income stratification (or reduce degree overlapping of income distributions). Chapter 4 tries to demonstrate how social gaps across racial groups have evolved in post-Apartheid South Africa. To operationalize a measure of social gaps, we use the degree to which one feels identified and thus defends the interest of his racial group. This is referred to as a degree of radicalism. Through a series of regressions, the chapter shows how the degree of radicalism decreases with household wealth, level of education, employment, and satisfaction with life. Using the distribution of radicalism to quantify alienation, the chapter shows a fall in the scores of social polarization, which is largely driven by a fall in between-group polarization. Given that within group polarization rises concurrently with a fall in between-group polarization, this implies a trade-off between internal heterogeneity and external homogeneity. In short, the thesis advances our understanding of the normatively undesirable issue of distances and differences across groups and highlights the often neglected, yet indispensable, dimensions of an income distribution.

Südafrikas Apartheid-Regime überdauerte fast ein halbes Jahrhundert und hatte einen starken Einfluss auf die Gesellschaft, Kultur, Politik und Literatur des Landes. In meiner Diplomarbeit wurden vier literarische Werke vor, während und nach dem Apartheid-Regime verglichen, um der Frage nachzugehen, ob Lösungsansätze im Hinblick auf Apartheid literarisch reflektiert werden, oder ob die literarischen Texte primär die komplexe Problematik des Apartheidregimes unterstreichen. Nach der Einleitung wird im Kapitel 2 ein genereller Übersicht über historische und geographisch relevante Daten vermittelt. Dieses Basiswissen ist notwendig, da Apartheid seine Wurzeln in ethnischen Spannungen hat, welche sich durch die Jahrhunderte aufgebaut haben. Kapitel 3 beschäftigt sich mit Apartheid in Bezug auf seine Entstehung und die Nachwirkungen, die bis heute andauern. Diese Post-Apartheidphase wird etwa in Disgrace (z. dt.: Schande), einem Roman von J.M. Coetzee dargestellt. Kapitel 4 behandelt Apartheid in der Literatur wie auch literarische Bewegungen während der Apartheid und legt immer wieder einen besonderen Fokus auf räumliche Symbolik (z.B.: Stadt versus Land). Im 5. Kapitel geht es vor allem um die Analyse der ausgewählten literarischen Werke. Diese sind: der Roman "Cry, the Beloved Country" von Alan Paton, das Theaterstück "My Children! My Africa!" von Athol Fugard, die Kurzgeschichte "Mrs Plum" von Eskia (also Ezekiel) Mphahlele und der Post-Apartheid Roman "Disgrace"von J.M. Coetzee. Die Analyse beleuchtet die verschiedenen Standpunkte der Charaktere im Hinblick auf Apartheid und untersucht, wie Apartheid im literarischen Kontext vermittelt wird. Weiters gibt es drei Unterkapitel, welche sich mit Tieren, dem Konzept 'Junge' sowie Männlichkeit auseinandersetzen, da dies wiederkehrende Themen in all meinen ausgewählten Texten sind. Das Resultat meiner Diplomarbeit wird dann im letzten Kapital zusammengefasst. ; South Africas apartheid regime lasted for almost half a century and had a great impact on the country's society, culture, politics and literature. This thesis presents an analysis of selected South African literary works before, during and after apartheid and investigates the question if these literary texts offer any solution to the issue of apartheid or if they primarily highlight the problematic complexity of this dark period in South African history. After the introduction, chapter 2 provides a historical and geographical overview of South Africa and its people. Since apartheid results from racial tensions that have emerged over many years it is necessary to have an understanding of historical developments in South Africa. Chapter 3 will give a deeper insight into apartheid, how it evolved, how it ended and in which way the aftermath of apartheid is still manifest. Apartheid, although officially abolished in 1994, is still an issue in South Africa nowadays. "Disgrace", a novel by J.M. Coetzee, for example, deals with the aftermath of apartheid. Chapter 4 focuses on literary landscapes and the issue of apartheid in South African literature. This chapter also provides information on literary movements in South Africa, e.g. protest writing, and investigates the different literary spatial images such as city and country. Chapter 5 deals in more detail with the texts selected for this thesis. These are the novel "Cry, the Beloved Country" by Alan Paton, the play "My Children! My Africa!" by Athol Fugard, the short story "Mrs Plum" by Eskia Mphahlele and "Disgrace", a post-apartheid novel by J.M. Coetzee. My analysis will explore the characters different viewpoints on apartheid and analyse how apartheid is mediated within the fabric of the literary text. Moreover, there are three sub-chapters dedicated to animals, and the concepts of 'boy and masculinity with regard to apartheid in my chosen literary works, as those seem to be reccurring images. The findings of my literary analysis will be presented in the final chapter, which is my conclusion. ; vorgelegt von Stefanie Elisabeth Dunst ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2016 ; (VLID)1344569

When South Africa was emancipated from the oppressive apartheid regime in 1994, it was a severely divided society in need of an inclusive national identity to bind its citizens and maintain peace. Therefore, the state targeted the cultural industries, including film, as a means of promoting symbolic representations of national unity. The film industry was further identified as a priority sector for economic growth and as a potential platform for equitable redress. This article discusses existing and emerging finance, distribution and exhibition structures in the post-apartheid film industry. It considers government interventions in the form of film policies and development strategies with the purpose of examining the influence of globalising forces, in particular neoliberalism, on the apparent market-orientation of such interventions. The results presented indicate that the post-apartheid vision of equality, freedom and diversity does not always sit comfortably with the neoliberal, free-market principles promoted in the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme of 1996. Moreover, it suggests that in this commercial environment, the voices of the historically oppressed black majority, rather than enjoying a sense of artistic and creative freedom, can in fact encounter commercial censorship through the commodification of films for an export-orientated market.

In the generation after World War 2 (1945-69), homosexual intimacy was a serious crime in Colorado and other states, as was any kind of "lewdness" or homosexual solicitation; people suspected of being homosexual were routinely dismissed from federal, state, and private employment.' In the generation after Stonewall (1969-97), Colorado's legislature repealed the state's consensual sodomy law, and the governor by executive order prohibited state employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. The cities of Aspen, Boulder, and Denver enacted ordinances prohibiting private sexual orientation discrimination in housing, employment, education, public accommodations, and health and welfare services. In 1992, the voters of Colorado adopted the following amendment to the state constitution: No Protected Status Based on Homosexual, Lesbian, or Bisexual Orientation. Neither the State of Colorado, through any of its branches or departments, nor any of its agencies, political subdivisions, municipalities or school districts, shall enact, adopt or enforce any statute, regulation, ordinance or policy whereby homosexual, lesbian or bisexual orientation, conduct, practices or relationships shall constitute or otherwise be the basis of or entitle any person or class of persons to have or claim any minority status, quota preferences, protected status or claim of discrimination. The United States Supreme Court struck down Amendment in Romer v. Evans based on its conflict with the Equal Protection Clause. Writing for himself and two other justices, Justice Scalia dissented, starting with the premise that "[t]he Court has mistaken a Kulturkampf for a fit of spite," and arguing at length that the Court's opinion was inconsistent with both precedent and the ordinary operation of the democratic process. Justice Scalia was using the term "Kulturkampf' out of context. Kulturkampf, a German word for "culture war" or "struggle," was a nineteenth century campaign by Bismarck's German Empire to domesticate the Roman Catholic ...

The renaissance of studies of class in post-apartheid South Africa has not produced any certainty as to the optimal delineation of classes in empirical analysis. This paper uses data from a 2005 survey in Cape Town to examine the relationships between occupational (or objective) class, self-reported (or subjective) class, race, neighbourhood income and household income. Cape Town is not an industrial city, and thus has small working classes, but (like all South African cities) it does have high unemployment. There are clear relationships between race, education and occupational class (unsurprisingly, given the history of apartheid). The relationships between occupational class, incomes and self-reported class are less clear. The paper concludes with a preliminary analysis of some of the possible consequences of class, in terms of perceptions of the social structure and of government policy, and of racial identities and attitudes.

International audience ; Cape Town, the first capital of South Africa, was built on spatial injustice. First a Dutch trading post on the Route to India, then a British colony and the seat of Parliament under apartheid, the Mother City has been deeply marked by racism. In 1994, Nelson Mandela's election symbolised the abolition of State racism, but the political declarations concerning the break with the past were far from meaning the eradication of prejudices and memories of spatially engraved violence. Based on video interviews presenting the life trajectories of three township residents, this article exposes the escape routes along which the urban identities of Capetonians removed by force under apartheid are shaped. Their personal memories take on the form of a founding myth marked by a highlighted martyred experience, while trying to make sense of their daily lives through symbolic places and socio-religious imagination challenging " the order of things ". As such, the notion of heterotopia can describe the parallel worlds in which urbanites take refuge, in order to invent an alternative order enabling them to overcome the marks of domination on a day to day basis.

International audience ; Cape Town, the first capital of South Africa, was built on spatial injustice. First a Dutch trading post on the Route to India, then a British colony and the seat of Parliament under apartheid, the Mother City has been deeply marked by racism. In 1994, Nelson Mandela's election symbolised the abolition of State racism, but the political declarations concerning the break with the past were far from meaning the eradication of prejudices and memories of spatially engraved violence. Based on video interviews presenting the life trajectories of three township residents, this article exposes the escape routes along which the urban identities of Capetonians removed by force under apartheid are shaped. Their personal memories take on the form of a founding myth marked by a highlighted martyred experience, while trying to make sense of their daily lives through symbolic places and socio-religious imagination challenging " the order of things ". As such, the notion of heterotopia can describe the parallel worlds in which urbanites take refuge, in order to invent an alternative order enabling them to overcome the marks of domination on a day to day basis.

In an article on Afrikaner nationalism, apartheid and the perversion of critique, Rèné Eloff argues that E.A. Venter and H.J. Strauss drew upon the philosophy of Herman Dooyeweerd to justify separate development and that the foundational moment of Dooyeweerd's philosophy involves an interpretive violence that accommodates this interpretation, accompanied by a political violence which is accommodated by the mystical foundation of its authority. This article is a response to what Eloff attempts to argue. Unfortunately Eloff's article is burdened by ambiguities, lack of factual data, non sequitur arguments and in particular, regarding the transcendental critique, not realizing the difference between the structural intention of the transcendental critique and its misunderstanding by him in terms of a genetic perspective. In addition he does not realize that Derrida's ideas of the "institutional presupposition" and the mystical foundation of its authority are confusing the distinction of structure and direction. Eloff employs the genetic idea of the "foundational moment" of Dooyeweerd's philosophy, through which the latter supposedly could be linked to Apartheid, but does not succeed in achieving his aim. Although available to him, Eloff did not take notice of the analysis of the article of Derrida (on Law and Justice: the mystical foundation of authority) by the author of this response-article. In it Derrida's view of Law and Justice is analyzed in detail while even highlighting shared convictions between Derrida and Dooyeweerd. In another publication of Derrida (not quoted by Eloff) we find an appeal to the same philosophical method used by Dooyeweerd (and Einstein), namely the transcendental-empirical method. Shortcomings in Eloff's argumentation made it necessary to investigate the relationship between Dooyeweerd and Kant in some more detail, and to follow it up with an assessment of the relationship between Dooyeweerd and Derrida (showing that Derrida's thought is motivated by the humanistic motive of nature and freedom and that he not only confuses the distinctness of structure and direction, but also embodies in his thought the fusion of the directional antithesis between good and evil by identifying it with structural traits of reality). The irrationalistic element in Derrida's law-idea puts him, rather than Dooyeweerd, in a position to could have supported Apartheid. What Eloff says about Dooyeweerd's transcendental critique misses the key argument of the transcendental critique, based upon Dooyeweerd's view of the Gegenstand-relation, namely the issue of a supra-modal central point of orientation for the inter-modal synthesis. It turns out that there is no single statement in Dooyeweerd's transcendental critique from which anything supporting the Apartheid dispensation could be validly inferred. The only alternative option, namely to attempt to show that Dooyeweerd's idea of law and the state entails or supports the assumptions and practice of Apartheid, is doomed to failure from the outset, because Dooyeweerd's idea of the state and the nature of civil private law and public law rejects emphatically any encroachment upon the freedom and equality of its citizens. Although Eloff's account of the political views of E.A. Venter and H.J. Strauss is basically correct, it is not properly informed in many respects. Of the two main influences on their political conceptions only one is mentioned explicitly, namely the ideology of a "volk". The colonialist idea of guardianship (voogdyskap) as such is left unmentioned