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(Bibliography) Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Papers originally presented as part of the Carter lectures on Africa at the University of Florida in 1987 and 1988. ; (Statement of Responsibility) edited by R. Hunt Davis, Jr.

"Racism after Apartheid, volume four of the Democratic Marxism series, brings together leading scholars and activists from around the world studying and challenging racism. In eleven thematically rich and conceptually informed chapters, the contributors interrogate the complex nexus of questions surrounding race and relations of oppression as they are played out in the global South and global North. Their work challenges Marxism and anti-racism to take these lived realities seriously and consistently struggle to build human solidarities."

The Oregon Anti-Apartheid Scrapbook is made up of newspaper clippings assembled by OSU history department faculty member Ed Ferguson. Ferguson, a specialist in African history, served as an associate professor in the history department from 1979-1991. The scrapbook documents the protest and educational campaign led by the OSU African Students Association (ASA) in response to wrestling coach Dale Thomas' association with the South African wrestling community. Thomas' hosting of visiting South African coaches and proposed team tour of the country drew fire because of an international ban upon competition with South African athletes as a protest of the racist apartheid political system. Taken primarily from the OSU Barometer, the Corvallis Gazette-Times, and The Oregonian newspapers, these clippings include editorials about the campaign, articles about campaign presentations sponsored by the ASA on apartheid, and stories about public campus forums about the topic. The clippings date from 1980-1982 and include letters to the editor by Ferguson and stories about his involvement in the forums. Entitled "Enforcing the International Sports Boycott of South Africa at OSU: News Clippings from the Struggle" the scrapbook is a photocopy of the original which is a part of the Oregon Anti-Apartheid Files currently described as part of the African Activist Archives Project at Michigan State University.

In this article it is argued that apartheid, as idea-historical phenomenon, needs to be understood against the background of a short comparison between modern and premodern thought. Apartheid was, in many respects, a theoretical and practical manifestation of modernism. As such, it was by no means a modern anomaly, or a phenomenon that contradicted the fundamental assumptions of modern philosophical and political thought. The first section of this article addresses only a single aspect of traditional thought, namely the idea of being understood as circular event. Traditional thought understood being as emanating from, and returning to a first principle, namely the Good (Plato), the One (Plotinus), or God (Aquinas). The ensuing section discusses only a single aspect of modernism, namely its understanding of being not as circular event, but as a neutral, spatial, and linear grid upon which reality can be mapped. Once mapped on such a grid, according to modernism, being can be experienced as a "standing reserve" (or as an always available resource) to be controlled and used at will by the modern subject. In the third section of this article, it is argued that apartheid was made possible by the above ontological presupposition. According to the apartheid state, being could, in principle, be spatialised on a neutral grid, and thus directed and controlled from the vantage point of the sovereign subject. The concluding section focuses on the much-discredited community, the Afrikaners. Despite disclaimers among Afrikaners, the heavy burden of the apartheid legacy rests squarely on their shoulders. However, it will also be argued that Afrikaners, if given the opportunity, may provide us in future with important examples of a politics that moves beyond the spatialising and geometrising ambitions of the modern state. In a hermeneutical re-appropriation of their own pre-modern tradition, Afrikaners may, in collaboration with other communities, help show a way toward a traditional politics of place (rather than the modern politics of space).

In the early 1990s, during a visit to the Netherlands, Nelson Mandela specially thanked the Netherlands for the role they had played in helping to bring apartheid to an end, and more specifically for their support for the African National Congress (ANC). However, on considering the actions of the Netherlands' government during the apartheid period, it becomes apparent that the government did not take major steps to help end apartheid. In actual fact, the Netherlands' government's policy was more often characterised by a lack of specific resolutions against apartheid with few promised actions resulting in concrete steps. This lack of action is seen in aspects such as the 'ton van Luns'; continued cultural relations through the Cultural Accord; and in the two-stream policy of the RFM Lubbers government. The aim of this article is to look beyond the official Dutch government reaction to apartheid, and consider the non-governmental anti-apartheid organisations in the Netherlands in order to asses why the Netherlands is characterised as so actively anti-apartheid.

Contents: Statements made in plenary meetings of the General Assembly by: 1. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Finland -- 2. The representative of Norway -- 3. The representative of Denmark -- 4. The representative of Sweden -- 5. The representative of Iceland -- Statements in the Security Council by: Mr. Olof Palme, Sweden -- Ambassador Anders Thunborg, Sweden -- Statements at the United Nations Conference in Maputo by: Mr. Ola Ullsten, Sweden -- Mr. Olof Palme, Sweden

Representation, Creativity and Commercialism in the Post-Apartheid Film Industry Since the advent of democracy in 1994, South Africa has been in the process of redefining itself as a nation. The newly elected government recognised the potential role of cinema in democratic transformation and economic empowerment and established a number of strategic interventions and government bodies to foster the growth of the local industry. Similar to other forms of cultural production, cinema is informed by the national Constitution of 1996, which celebrates multiculturalism, freedom of expression, and transformation. However, it is questionable whether this vision is compatible with the state's ambition to build an internationally competitive, and commercially successful film industry. This paper provides a critical analysis of the economic and ideological workings of the post-apartheid feature film industry. The focus is on international co-productions, which have been encouraged by the state since such arrangements are seen to.

Democratic South Africa was born amidst high hopes for the reduction of income poverty and inequality from their high levels under apartheid. The reality has been disappointing: despite steady economic growth, income poverty probably rose in the late 1990s before a muted decline in the early 2000s, income inequality has probably grown, and life expectancy has declined. The proximate causes are clear: persistent unemployment and low demand for unskilled labour, strong demand for skilled labour, an unequal education system, and a social safety net that is unusually widespread but nonetheless has large holes. It is also clear that economic growth alone will not reduce poverty or inequality. Pro-poor social policies are important, but not as important as a pro-poor economic growth path. Unfortunately, there is little sign of the political conditions changing to push the state towards the promotion of a more pro-poor pattern of economic growth. There is some chance of parametric reforms of the welfare state. Overall, however, it is likely that, after another ten years of democracy, unemployment and poverty rates will remain high, despite significant redistribution through cash transfers, and incomes will continue to be distributed extremely unequally.

The National Party came into power in 1948 with an election promise to safeguard the political, economic and social interests of minority whites In South Africa. Racial segregation was their major strategy for ensuring the supremacy of white racial group in the country. By the mid-1950s, major pieces of legislation which formed the pillars of apartheid such as the Immorality Act, Population Registration Act, Reservation of Separate Amenities Act and Black Education Act, were firmly in place. Apartheid policies were implemented with zeal by the minority white government to the social and economic detriment of the blacks who constitute the majority In South Africa. The dream of Institutionalized racial segregation met with Intensive Internal resistance and International pressures, and in 1991, the ruling National Party formally renounced apartheid and declared a commitment to the creation of non-raclal democracy In South Africa. By the end of the 1940s, distinct demographic regimes existed In South Africa with potentials for maximum exposure to alternative trends. The aim of this paper is to show briefly how these different regimes reacted to the realities of the Implementation of apartheid with particular reference to mortality, fertility and reproductive behavior, and population activities.

Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town's daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely' imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate's Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law. South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.

In this comparative study we employed a quantitative approach, underpinned by the interpretivist paradigm, to analyse the content on Russia as found in Apartheid and post-Apartheid History textbooks. This was done by means of qualitative content analysis. The focus of the analysis was exclusively on the historical content or substantive knowledge as it related to Russia. What emerged was that the political eras Russia was studied under remained remarkably similar across the Apartheid and post-Apartheid eras. However, clear discernible similarities and differences were otherwise detectable. While big men dominated the content of both eras the approach adopted by the post-Apartheid era History textbooks towards them were generally more critical. While a fear of Communism was imbedded in the Apartheid era History textbooks, the opposite can be said of the post-Apartheid era textbooks. What this points to is that during both political eras the content on Russia was adapted to suit the prevailing identity politics, national narratives and ideology of the time – closed and insular under Apartheid and open and critical in the post-Apartheid era. ; http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2223-0386/2018/n18a4

This dissertation explores the place of black theatre in a post-apartheid South Africa. It focuses on the theatre as a tool in fighting the evils of the apartheid regime, and informs on the prevailing realities in a new South Africa. It aims at analyzing the historical development of black drama, the politics, the aesthetics, and its continuing efflorescence, especially in identity politics in South Africa. This is implicated on how the play text is read and constituted, as it strives for local and universal attention within the canon formation, especially within the ambience of the post-colonial. This invariably raises the question: What-and-when is the post-colonial in post-apartheid South Africa, taking into cognizance the promises and pitfalls of nation building vis-à-vis cultural production of the 'rainbow' nation? This further problematizes the notion of African theatre within the universal concept of theatre. It infers that the misgivings (whether African theatre could be defined as theatre) is based on literary paradigm: an attempt at distilling theatre along the lines of Western model, rather than the theatrical (i.e. the performative or embodied), since identity have become generally construed in 'performative' terms. It considers a more appropriate perspective in order to accommodate the vigorous and prolific expressions in the output of contemporary South African theatre. The thesis suggests, for instance, that a better perspective is possible, if the object of investigation is theatre rather than literary drama. Here the act of avant-garde, and Schechner's definition of performance as "what people do in the activity of their doing it" (i.e. performer and audience) furthers the discourse, giving African theatre its legitimacy and organizing principle. A central trope the thesis deploys in reading and critiquing post-apartheid cultural production, especially the theatre. Asiasanat:Text, Race, Theatre, Aesthetics, Apartheid, Rainbow nation

South Africa's democratic settlement is generally viewed as a particularly successful transition from authoritarian government. The settlement in 1994 did bring political violence to an end and it established new institutions which have now been in place for nearly two decades. This success was partly the outcome of fortuitous conditions – of good luck, even. But it was also the product of the skills, capacities and predispositions that the main parties in the settlement brought to the negotiations. This paper will explore the developments and processes that helped South African peacemaking. Subsequently it will address political progress since the transition. ; N/A

Any politically interested foreigner visiting South Africa from the developed world would see and hear much in the country"s mass communications infrastructure that would appear familiar. Much of this is due to the country"s colonial legacy, which shaped both the country"s media and political models. The oldest newspaper, for example, the Cape Times, as well as the state broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) overtly modeled themselves, (the latter following input from Lord Reith, head of the BBC), on British originals. In the post-apartheid era, the tabloid The Daily Sun pays tribute, in name if not in substance, to the UK"s leading tabloid.

The transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa, marked above all by the election in 1994 of a government led by the African National Congress (ANC) and headed by President Nelson Mandela, represented a milestone not only for South Africa but for Africa generally. The transition meant the end of formal colonial or settler rule in Africa.? On one level, the new South African democracy appears robust and substantive. Whilst there has been no turnover in office at the national level, free and fair legislative elections have been held regularly, with a universal franchise and multi-party competition, and there is an independent judiciary, a critical press, and a vigorous civil society.? But there are at least two grounds for questioning the quality of the new democracy. First, the strength of the ANC undermines the constitutional separation of powers and the real accountability of the executive to the electorate.? Secondly, the ANC is widely accused of having 'betrayed' the working-class and poor by adopting neo-liberal policies that serve the interests of capital and therefore represent a continuity from the apartheid era. Whilst there is some merit in each critique, the formal procedures of representative democracy are not inconsequential, and (more importantly) a range of classes and interest-groups besides 'capital' wield power, albeit in different ways.