Suchergebnisse

Since 2010, number of political uprisings took place in the Arab countries which so called The Arab Spring (at-Thawrât al-'Arabiyyah). The fall of regimes such as in Tunis, Egypt, and Libya, following the massive resistance of people was actually reflect the crisis of legitimacy and the weakness of authority of many political leaders in the region. Moreover, the loyalty of many people in the Arab countries to their leaders was also problematic decision when it has to deal with their primordial affiliations such as ashabiyah, wathanniyah, qaummiyah and ummah. The Arab Spring is a very important political movement which taught us lessons that both leadership and national character building are unfinished and will never be end as a process. This phenomenon also emphasized the importance of political system to be adaptive to the dynamic of domestic political situation and international atmosphere as well. The failure to adapt towards such conditions will causes to the fall of the ruling power.

The Arab Spring dramatically increased investors' perceptions of political risk in MENA. An examination of these perceptions indicates long-run optimism that political transitions in the region -- if democratic and coupled with political stability -- could increase FDI and contribute to MENA's economic development.

One of the core dominant events, in the Middle East in 21th century, was Arab Spring revolutions in 2010-2011. These revolutions aimed to achieve democracy and get rid of the dictator regimes in the Arab countries. No doubt that Arab Spring had political social and economic reasonable and significant impacts. This paper will examine various reflections on the Arab revolutions of the Arab Spring (2010-2011) through modern Arab poetry, focusing on four selected poems as cases of study. In addition to the aimed historical reading, this paper attempts to analyse the selected poems focusing literary and poetic methods, as well as language and diction, comparing between them. For diversity, while all the selected poems are modern Arabic poetry, one of the selected poems is the neo-classic Arabic poetry of Ibrāhīm Obaydī, and the three others are free verse poetry from Ahmed Matar, Musʿab al-Mūrādī, and Ahmad Msāʿdih. Methodologically, this study is analytic, comparative and inductive, relying relevant poems of the selected four poets. This paper suggests not only that the Arab Spring played a significant historical role in the Middle East, leading to intensive civil and non-civil armed conflicts, but also, Modern Arab poetry contributes to historical documenting immortalizing the Arab Spring revolutions including their aims and motivations, as well as their social political and cultural impacts.

Danışman: DR. ÖĞR. ÜYESİ ALİHAN LİMONCUOĞLU ; PROF. DR. MAHMUT KUBİLAY AKMAN Yer Bilgisi: İstanbul Gelişim Üniversitesi / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü / Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı / Güvenlik Araştırmaları Bilim Dalı Konu: Uluslararası İlişkiler = International Relations ; Arap Baharı kapsamı ve güvenlik kavramının değişimine etkisi açısından tarihsel sahnede önemli bir yere sahiptir. Arap Baharı'nın başlaması ile gerekliliği daha da anlaşılan Güvenlik Çalışmaları'nın kavramlarıyla konunun tartışılması ve farklı yönleri ile araştırılması düşünülmektedir. Kuzey Afrika ülkelerinin Arap Baharı öncesi ve sonrasında toplum yapısı ve güvenlik açısından uğradığı değişimler Kolonyalizm sonrasından başlayarak 2012 yılına kadar geçen süreyi kapsayacak şekilde anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Arap Baharı'nı geniş bir analiz süzgecinden geçirerek süreç hakkında bilgi sahibi olmak mümkündür. Sürecin demokratik mi, manipülasyon mu olduğunu anlamak için yapılan analizde kullanılan demokrasi indeksleri Kuzey Afrika ülkelerinin durumu hakkında ayrıntılı bilgiler verecektir. Görsel Sosyoloji 'den yararlanarak analize yenilik ve farklı bir perspektif kazandırılması amaçlanmıştır. Soğuk Savaş sonrası değişen güvenlik algısının anlaşılması açısından önemli yere sahip olan Kopenhag Okulu çerçevesinde Arap Baharı'nın Güvenlikleştirme ve Bölgesel Güvenlik Kompleksi Teorisi ile açıklanması düşünülmektedir. Johan Galtung'un barış ve çatışma alanındaki çalışmaları ile Barry Buzan'ın kavramsal çerçevesinin konunun daha iyi anlaşılmasına yarar sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir. İşletme literatüründe sıkça karşımıza çıkan SWOT analizinin Güvenlik Çalışmaları alanındaki uygulanabilirliği denenmiştir. Kuzey Afrika'nın çağdaş döneminin Arap Baharı sonrası geçirdiği dönüşüm Güvenlik Çalışmaları bağlamında analiz edilmiştir. Yaşanan dönüşümün daha belirgin görülmesini sağlamak düşüncesiyle Arap Baharı sonrası yıllar (2014-2019) seçilmiş ve bu yıllara ait küresel terörizm-küresel barış indeksleri kullanılmıştır. İndekslerdeki veriler ve elde edilen sonuçlar ile Kuzey Afrika'nın günümüzdeki güvenlik durumuna bakılmıştır. Uluslararası İlişkiler 'de önemli bir konuma sahip olan Arap Baharı ayrıntılı bir şekilde Güvenlik Çalışmaları literatürü ve diğer sosyal bilimler literatürleri kullanılarak anlatılacaktır. ; With its impact on the change in the concept of security, the Arab Spring has an important place in history. With the advent of the Arab Spring, the main aim has been centered around investigating the different aspects of the topic. The focus has also been on discussing the topic in terms of the theories of Security Studies, the importance of which has been further understood. The main objective of the present study is to discuss the community structure of North African countries and the changes that took place before and after the Arab Spring in terms of security. The study focuses on the period from prior to Colonialism until 2012. It is possible to gain knowledge about the process by extensively analyzing the topic. The democracy indexes that are used to analyze whether the process was democratic or manipulative, will provide some detailed information on the condition of North African countries. By employing visual sociology, it is also aimed to bring in a new and different perspective to the analysis. Within the framework of the Copenhagen School, which has an important place in allowing a better understanding of the growing perception of security after the Cold War, the study also aimed to discuss the Arab Spring in terms of the Securitization and Regional Security Complex Theory. The peace and conflict studies of Johan Galtung and the theoretical framework of Barry Buzan will provide a better understanding of the topic under study. The SWOT analysis, which is often covered in business studies, is applied in the field of Security Studies. Transformation of North Africa's contemporary period after the Arab Spring, is investigated in the context of Security Studies. To make this transformation clear, the focus of this study is on the time period after the Arab Spring (2014-2019), and the global terrorism-global peace indexes of this time period are used. With the data retrieved from the indexes and the obtained results, the current security condition of North Africa is examined. The Arab Spring, which has a significant place in international relations, will be discussed in detail by covering the literature of Security Studies and the other social sciences disciplines.

From its inception in September 2011, the Occupy Wall Street movement has been linked to the revolutions and popular uprisings throughout North Africa and the Middle East that have gone under the name of the Arab Spring. This connection is reflected in the official OWS website, which declares: 'We are using the revolutionary Arab Spring tactic to achieve our ends and encourage the use of nonviolence to maximize the safety of all participants.' While the rich and complex set of popular struggles across North African and the Middle East cannot be reduced to a single 'tactic,' this acknowledgement of the Arab Spring as an inspiration for the Occupy movement represents my point of departure for considering OWS within current conversations about global solidarity. More specifically, the claims and practices of Occupy highlight an important distinction between the movement's self-understanding of being inspired by the Arab Spring versus the even more important question of how a U.S.-based movement can stand in solidarity with popular movements throughout North Africa and the Middle East, as well as the less publicized popular movements throughout Sub-Saharan Africa.

Under conditions of extreme social and political injustice—when human rights are most threatened—rational arguments rooted in the language of human rights are often unlikely to spur reform or to ensure government adherence to citizens' rights. When those entrusted with securing human dignity, rights, and freedoms fail to do so, and when other actors—such as human rights activists, international institutions, and social movements—fail to engage the levers of power to eliminate injustice, then oppressed and even quotidian actors may resort to non-traditional tactics of resistance. One example of these radical modes is the use of the corporeal body as a means of protest. The use of the human body to make political argument may catalyze legal, social, and cultural change where rational arguments fail. This Article examines the power of the human body in spurring political and legal action. It analyzes the 2010 self-immolation of Tarek Mohammad Bouazizi in Tunisia, which sparked an unprecedented wave of protests across Arab countries, leading to what came to be known as the "Arab Spring." It suggests that when human rights-based arguments are exhausted, space is created for alternative strategies of resistance. Mobilized and deployed as tools of resistance, human bodies become the argument.

The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia in December 2010 rapidly swept through the Middle East and Northern African (MENA) region, with the main requests by protesters being the improvement of standards of living and political change; key to the latter were demands for the ousting of corrupt and autocratic leaders and the transitions to more open and democratic regimes. Many observers were quick to label this stream of protests and demands for change as the 'Fourth Wave of Democratization' (an allusion to Samuel Huntington's work The Third Wave). This idea was short-lived and by 2012 the spring had thawed into a winter, with a wave of violence and general instability sweeping through most of the countries and leading to widespread regional political, social and economic volatility. Few countries proved to be successful in implementing some degree of change, amongst these were Egypt and Tunisia. Nevertheless and while in both countries the first-ever free elections were held in 2011, by 2014 the aftermath of the revolution had proven very different. While Tunisia successfully passed a new 'democratic' Constitution, Egypt's first democratically elected government was ousted in a military coup. The ultimate purpose of this thesis is to, departing from democratization theories and passing through a background analysis of the pre-Arab Spring realities and a comparison of the unfolding of events in the two countries, analyse why the results became so dissimilar. In the Conclusion, we maintain that it was Tunisia's 'forward-looking' attitude, openness to dialogue and attempt at consensus by the different 'stakeholders', in contrast to the absence of these realities and to the overpowering role of the army in all phases of the process in Egypt, which ultimately dictated the arguable success of the former's and failure of the latter's transition to Democracy.

Abstrak Musim Semi Arab telah membawa semangat demokrasi di sejumlah negara Arab, seperti di Tunisia, Mesir, Libya, Suriah, Yaman, dan sebagainya. Musim Semi Arab di Libya dan Suriah telah menjadi awal dari konflik sipil yang membawa kesengsaraan. Kehadiran konflik ini membawa keprihatinan bagi dunia internasional, yang ditujukan kepada organisasi regional Timur Tengah, Liga Arab. Wajar bagi organisasi regional untuk berpartisipasi dalam menyelesaikan konflik negara anggota. Untuk alasan ini, penelitian ini akan mencari tahu apa yang telah dilakukan Liga Arab untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Studi ini akan setuju untuk melihat percobaan yang dilakukan oleh Liga Arab selama penyelesaian Musim Semi Arab di Libya dan Suriah pada 2010-2012. Musim Semi Arab, sekitar 2010-2012, terlepas dari konflik yang hanya mengandung konflik saudara dipertahankan. Studi ini menggunakan konsep resolusi konflik dengan melihat empat aspek yang harus disetujui oleh organisasi lokal untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Dari penelitian, diakui bahwa Liga Arab menerapkan keputusan Zona Larangan Penerbangan untuk Libya dengan bantuan PBB. Sementara itu, Liga Arab di Suriah mengambil tindakan tegas untuk membentuk penilaian pembekuan yang telah disetujui sejak awal 2011. Liga Arab dapat memenuhi empat aspek yang dibutuhkan, tetapi dalam prosesnya sesuai dengan apa yang membuat Liga Arab untuk memperbaiki masalah yang ada . Kata kunci: Musim Semi Arab, Libya, Suriah, Liga Arab, Resolusi Konflik.

This paper investigates inflation in Bahrain during the period of the Arab Spring to determine effect of unrest on general and relative prices. We find first that the GDP deflator alone measures inflation in Bahrain; the CPI measures the cost of living only. Additionally, oil prices, the U.S. dollar's trade-weighted value, and government price intervention are highly correlated with price movements. Disaggregated monthly CPI data reveal the onset of unrest is correlated with movements in several components of the CPI index, but the Arab Spring had its most direct and lasting causal effect solely on the housing. ; peer-reviewed

The so called « Arab Spring » that started in Tunisia in January 2011 has been taking the form of a huge wave, with a spillover effect in the whole Arab world. True, the very different experiences of Arab countries have underlined how variegated the process has been and how uncertain the precise outcome will be in each case. It is too early to say whether the changes in all the Arab region will lead to the creation of democratic states, let alone what the regional and global impact of these events will be. At least, it will be a long and complex process. This paper attempts to analyze the current situation, summarizing how far we have come, what is at stake and what are the challenges faced by the civil actors who initiated the uprisings: it is assumed that democracy in the Middle East is dependent on a strong civil society as a precondition. Finally, as a result of the important changes at work, the Swiss engagement in the region will be briefly discussed. ; N/A

The 'Arab Spring' possesses an unexplored discoursive dimension made of stratified stereotypical approaches and assumptions linked to the 'Arab' world and its horizons of political agency. In the aftermath of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings, in a period of renewed censorship and instability, multiple actors coming from citizen journalism and activist/artistic backgrounds collaborate in experimenting post- revolutionary counter-power. The drive to re-appropriate the revolutionary narrative and give continuity to its legacy in the 'transitional'/post-dictatorship period is marked by an all pervading intertwining of art and counter-information, in collectives focusing on media (such as the Egyptian Mosreen), street art (such as the Tunisian Ahl al Kahf), journalism (Inkyfada) or theatre (Corps Citoyen) projects, as well as for the emerging independent video-makers (such as Ridha Tlili). My article intends to interrogate their interaction with the dominant representation of the uprisings. ; The 'Arab Spring' possesses an unexplored discoursive dimension made of stratified stereotypical approaches and assumptions linked to the 'Arab' world and its horizons of political agency. In the aftermath of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings, in a period of renewed censorship and instability, multiple actors coming from citizen journalism and activist/artistic backgrounds collaborate in experimenting post- revolutionary counter-power. The drive to re-appropriate the revolutionary narrative and give continuity to its legacy in the 'transitional'/post-dictatorship period is marked by an all pervading intertwining of art and counter-information, in collectives focusing on media (such as the Egyptian Mosreen), street art (such as the Tunisian Ahl al Kahf), journalism (Inkyfada) or theatre (Corps Citoyen) projects, as well as for the emerging independent video-makers (such as Ridha Tlili). My article intends to interrogate their interaction with the dominant representation of the uprisings.

The Arab Spring, a revolutionary wave of protests and rebellions, and a process of regime change and democratization is sweeping the Arab world, but marginally touching women's issues in Kuwait. While Arab women in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Morocco, Yemen, Jordan, and Syria are active participants and co-beneficiaries of the process of change, Kuwaiti women have lost their electoral gains made in 2009 in the latest elections held in February of 2012. The objective of this paper is to examine the impact of Arab Spring on women in Kuwait, and their continued struggle for political participation in the country. It will also highlight the accomplishments of the women's movement and its inability to utilize the general atmosphere supportive of women's rights in Kuwait to maintain its parliamentary representation in the Kuwaiti National Assembly.

Resumen: Las revoluciones en el mundo árabe de 2010 y 2011, denominadas por distintos medios como la Primavera árabe componen una serie de alzamientos populares en los países del norte de África. Son unas revueltas sin precedentes ya que si bien ha habido con anterioridad numerosos movimientos de protesta éstos se habían caracterizado por nacer de golpes de Estado militares que daban paso a gobiernos autoritarios con o sin apoyo popular. Sin embargo las sublevaciones populares de ahora han salido a la calle a pedir una instauración de la democracia así como una mejora de las condiciones de vida. La escritora Cécile Oumhani, desde la retaguardia, lucha y da voz a aquellos que no pueden expresarse. En estos momentos se halla en pleno combate por la liberación del pueblo árabe y hemos de agradecerle enormemente que nos haya dedicado su tiempo y estas palabras. Abstract: The revolutions in the Arab world from 2010 and 2011 known by varying media as the "Arab Spring" was made up of a series of popular uprisings in countries in North Africa. They are unprecedented revolts. Before, there had been numerous protests, these were characterized because they arose from military coups which were followed by the establishment of authoritarian governments, with or without popular support. However the popular uprisings happening now have come out onto the street to demand the establishment of democracy as well as a improvement in living conditions. The writer Cécile Oumhani, has always fought and spoken for those who could not express themselves. She has been there, at those moments, right in the middle of combat, for the liberation of the Arab people and we are very grateful to her for dedicating her time and thoughts.

Using World Values Survey data (2010-2-13) on a selected number of Arab countries, this article explains that Social Capital is an important determinant of social and political stability. In the aftermath of what is commonly called Arab Spring, 3 groups of 13 countries with different levels of stability are compared using Putnam's 4 dimensions of social capital: Interpersonal Trust, Institutional Trust, Civic Engagement and Trustworthiness. On average, respondents of these countries mainly trust their family members, lack confidence in their governments, are not active members in social organizations, and rarely find illicit acts as justifiable. These four dimensions are then used in a probit regression to explain the occurrence of robberies. Our model shows that both civic norms and levels of trust have a negative and significant impact on property crimes, and that social capital could be considered as a predictor of social order. "Trustworthiness" had the highest explanatory power, especially civic norms that proscribe stealing properties.

The wave of Arab Spring which started from Tunisia at the ending of 2010, by a young graduate and vegetable vender, and after setting himself on the fire due to harassment and insult by a police women, after suicide by the young vegetable vender there's people began the protest against the government and their officials, then soon after this protest transformed as a heavy conflict between Tunisian people and government. And further this conflict followed by Egypt. Soon after this wave sparked in the whole Arab countries as major or minor like Libya, Syria, Yemen Lebanon, Morocco, Jordon and etc. This Uprising wave developed in some countries as the civil war like Libya, Yemen and Syria. The Civil war in Libya and Syria which started after suppression to the demonstrators by the governments and their security forces in both countries. Similarly the foreign interventions are also caused to develop and transfer the Arab Uprising towards the civil war in the above countries. This civil war is caused a lot of losses and human crisis in both countries as well as it caused to flee from their homes in other places in same country or neighbour countries. This civil war resulted as hundreds of thousand's death from both sides, the supporters of the governments and their rivals, and similarly resulted as millions of people's migration. The main objective of this paper is to analyse the situation of both countries as well as to know the causes of the war and its result in both countries. The methodology is adopted in the present paper is qualitative. Izhar Ahmad "Civil War in Syria and Libya after Arab Spring" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-2 , February 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd30093.pdf