Periodically eruptions of violence along the Suez Canal remind the American people that there are other areas of strife that threaten the peace of the world than Vietnam. In recent days the news on the Middle East has been stealing the headlines from Southeast Asia. Furthermore, sober statements by high diplomatic officials warn that the tensions in this section of the globe are a far .greater threat to world peace than the Vietnam war. Weary of war, seeking disengagement, the American has little stomach for becoming actively involved in another military struggle. Furthermore, the news from the Eastern Mediterranean is such a carbon copy of accounts emanating from that area over the past twenty-five years that it is tempting to shrug it off in the hope that the unstable Middle East will somehow regain its equilibrium once more. However, students of this section of world affairs have pointed out that none of the bas ic issues have been resolved by the two Suez wars of 1956 and 1967, and that Arab-Israeli friction remains as potentially explosive as it was in 1948 and again in 1956 and 1967.
Twelve maps (1 folded) inserted in pocket of v. 2. ; Bibliography: v. 1, p. 181-186; v. 2, p. 226-234. ; v. l. The Islamic world and its confrontation with the West.-- v. 2. Political and military perceptions of the struggle over Palestine. ; Mode of access: Internet.
A concept sketchbook created by editorial cartoonist, John R. Fischetti with content from Spring 1967 containing preliminary sketches of political cartoons and ideas for his daily editorial cartoons. Topics include: the Arab-Israeli conflict and Gamal Abdel Nassar.
A concept sketchbook created by editorial cartoonist, John R. Fischetti with content from December 1968 through July 1969 containing preliminary sketches of political cartoons and ideas for his daily editorial cartoons. Topics include: Spiro Agnew, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and Richard Nixon.
This paper deals with the cultural policies of Israel towards the Palestinians under their rule - namely, the Palestinian Arabs of Israel and the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza, areas commonly called the Occupied Territories. In the broad cultural field, one of the major aims of Israeli policies seems to be centered around hindering proper education for the Palestinians, suppressing their culture and making them lose contact and pride with their own heritage. At the same time, the Israelis are providing all opportunities for education for their people and are keenly attempting to revitalize their own long-dead heritage. Another equally important aim of Israeli policies seems to be in the direction of inducing and coercing the Palestinians to accept the image of the Israelis as superior and of the Arabs as backward, dependent and passive. This aim has to 'be seen within the context of the Israelis; view of themselves and of their relations with-the Arabs; the basic objectives being the establishment of a clear identity for themselves and an Arab acceptance of their existence. But the Israelis want t• be more than just accepted by the Arabs; they want to be accepted as possessing military strength, political power, and in a very fundamental sense cultural superiority.
A concept sketchbook created by editorial cartoonist, John R. Fischetti with content from November 1974 through March 1975 containing preliminary sketches of political cartoons and ideas for his daily editorial cartoons. Topics include: AT&T, Arab-Israeli conflicts, Richard J. Daley, and the Watergate Affair.
The recent hijacking of a number of planes by an independent group calling themselves the "Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine" makes still more remote the chances of peace in the Middle East. With the greatest confidence and with virtual impunity this small group has managed to confuse an already confused issue still further and their action brings out as clearly as nothing else can, the impotence of powers like England and America before the actions of a small band of outlaws. ; peer-reviewed
The recent controversy over the establishment of Israeli settlements in occupied territory has resurrected a thirty year dispute over territorial sovereignty in the area referred to before 1948 as Palestine. This note will attempt to analyze the conflicting legal claims to Palestine under a standard likely to be applied by an international judicial tribunal operating in conjunction with or under the auspices of the International Court of Justice. The analysis will be concerned not with the political or quasi-legal claims of the respective parties, examples of which are Israeli historical claims based upon decades of alleged persecution and Arab claims of right to self-determination, but with the respective parties' claims of legal title to Palestine. Furthermore, the analysis will be limited to Palestine as it was demarcated by the United Nations in 1947, excluding discussion of the conflicting Arab and Israeli claims to other sensitive areas such as the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Straits of Tiran, Jerusalem, and Sinai.
This article will describe and evaluate the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty, and set it in historical and contemporary perspective in order to highlight some of the primary problems facing decision-makers in their deliberations on approaches to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. The article will then consider alternative courses of action available to the world community in light of principles of the United Nations Charter and of other sources of public international law and justice, political feasibility and the perceived interests of all parties to the conflict. Lastly, it will suggest new approaches to the problem, with a view to ending the present impasse between Egypt and Israel on the one hand and the rest of the Arab states on the other and furthering the cause of peace and human rights in the Middle East.
The conflict in the Middle East is a turbulent situation of great significance to the entire world. This study examines the internal political scene of Israel and its affect on the overall Middle East situation. It focuses on ideology, structure, and policy within Israel as components of that scene. The ideology of Zionism provided the justification for the creation of Israel and continues to form the basis for governmental decision making there. An analysis of the principles of Zionism and of the statements, writings, and actions of Zionist leaders showed that the ideology could reasonably be interpreted as racist and expansionist. More important than the ideas of Zionism is the actual implementation of those ideas through government policy. Israeli policy in regard to citizenship, immigration, security, economics, labor, land, and political representation is examined. Important characteristics of Israel's economy are its dependence on foreign capital and assistance and its continuing attempts to attain self-sufficiency. The study shows clearly that discrimination against Arabs and Jews of Asian and African descent living in Israel is widespread and that the rights, benefits, and opportunities for these groups are not equal to those of European and American Jewish immigrants. More significantly, it is indicates that government policy is partly responsible for these inequalities. and has worked to place Western Jews in a superior position in Israeli society. Another part of Israel's implementation of Zionism has been its action concerning Jewish control of land. From the time of early Jewish immigration to the present, Zionists have attempted to increase the territory inhabited and controlled by Jews. The methods used to accomplish this have included purchase, acquisition of abandoned land, expropriation of inhabited land through expropriation and force, and military invasion of other nations. Israeli expansionism is related to the Zionist principles that Jews should establish a state with boundaries similar to those of ancient Israel and that all Jews should be gathered into that state. Adherence to these ideas requires territorial expansion and Israeli policy has clearly shown expansionist tendencies. One of the most significant determinants of policy in any country is political structure. In Israel, structure is dominated by political parties. Israel is a multi-party, parliamentary system in which no party has ever gained a majority in the legislature. Rule by coalition has meant that major policy changes have been difficult to achieve. The Labor Party and its views dominated Israel for thirty years, tempered by the need for negotiations with and concessions to the other parties. In Israel's centralized structure, local government, interest groups, and public opinion are relatively insignificant. In a system with these characteristics and Israel's strong ideological commitment, it could be anticipated that a high degree of policy consistency would exist. This has proven to be true in Israel. Although Begin's Likud government has a different public position on major issues and uses stronger rhetoric, the substance of its actions are similar. It has returned the same land Labor was willing to return and has generally followed Labor's plans for establishing settlements in the occupied territories. Israel's system of multiple parties, parliamentary government, rule by coalition, and centralized government makes policy consistency a significant feature of its politics. Also contributing to this policy inertia is the nature of leadership in Israel. The structural features mentioned above, the superior position of Western Jews, the historical necessity for Jews to operate secretly, and the limited access to important information in Israeli society have created an elitist system of leadership. The characteristics and views of this elite, and in fact the specific individuals in the elite group, have not changed much in Israel's history. The ideology of Zionism and the translation of its principles into social structure and government policy has had a tremendous impact on the conflict in the Middle East. It has worked against the creation of good relations between people, cultures, and nations there and prevents a lasting solution to the Palestinian question. Israel can not grant equal rights to Arabs within its borders without compromising Jewish control and it can not allow Palestinian self-determination withou giving up territory it needs to accomodate more Jewish immigration to Israel. The country's political structure and the nature of its leadership have contributed to its policy consistency and make major changes unlikely in the future. The most successful force in creating any policy change has been external pressures, particularly from the United States. This is most dramatically illustrated by the Camp David Accords which were a direct result of U.S. mediation efforts. However, Camp David did not succeed in extracting major concessions from Israel or in setting adequate groundwork for a solution to the Palestinian problem. Flexibility on policy questions by Israel is necessary to achieve a fair and permanent solution to Middle East problems. The ideology of Zionism, Israel's political system, and its elite leadership severely restrict Israel's ability to be flexible. Internal change in Israel is a necessary ingredient in the achievement of Middle East peace and stability.
