Suchergebnisse

Il seguente elaborato si propone di analizzare il contributo che l'adozione di un modello educativo bilingue-binazionale, sull'esempio di Neve Shalom/Wahat al Salam, può dare alla gestione quotidiana del conflitto sociale presente oggi nello Stato di Israele. La situazione conflittuale analizzata si basa sul rapporto asimmetrico tra ebrei e palestinesi, entrambi cittadini israeliani, che corrispondono rispettivamente alla maggioranza e alla minoranza etnica presente sul territorio ed è caratterizzata dalla presenza di discriminazioni rivolte alla minoranza palestinese che da anni lotta per l'affermazione dei propri diritti all'interno di una società "democratica", in cui però l'elemento ebraico è molto presente. Ai fini della seguente trattazione, intendo contestualizzare il delicato rapporto tra ebraicità e democrazia e in particolare la volontà del governo nel voler accentuare il carattere ebraico all'interno di un dibattito più ampio incentrato sulla definizione stessa dello Stato d'Israele, inteso da alcuni autori come democrazia e da altri come etnocrazia. In questo scenario, ho dedicato una particolare attenzione all'attuale sistema educativo israeliano che attraverso la trasmissione di valori identitari legati alla maggioranza ebraica, accentua maggiormente il carattere ebraico della società. In alternativa al modello educativo israeliano corrente, separato per ebrei e palestinesi, ho proposto il modello educativo bilingue-binazionale nato a Neve Shalom Wahat al Salam con l'obiettivo di fornire alle generazioni future strumenti efficaci di gestione quotidiana del conflitto, auspicando ad una graduale trasformazione dal basso. The following paper aims to analyze in which way the use of a bilingual-binational educational model, following the example of Neve Shalom/Wahat al-Salam, can help to manage the ethnic conflict of the Israeli society characterized by the contraposition between Jews and Arabs who represents the majority and minority ethnics groups in Israel. That conflict is based on the asymmetric relationship between Jews and Arabs and the discriminations against the Arab group who have been fighting for years to obtain equal rights. The framework of that conflict is the complicated relationship between the democratic character and the Jewish character of the State of Israel which defined itself a democracy but it doesn't respect all aspects of a democratic state considering the strength of Jewish character in all the social aspects. In that kind of context, I analyze the role of the Israeli education system in strengthening the asymmetric relationship between Jews and Arab and I introduce the bilingual-binational educational model founded by the community of Neve Shalom/Wahat al-Salam, a cooperative village of Jewish and Arabs who decided to live together working for peace and equality in the country. The following paper aims to analyze the educational activities organized by two educational institutions of Neve Shalom/Wahat al-Salam, the Primary School and the The School for Peace underlying their contribution in developing a new generations of Israeli citizens in order to transform the society.

The article deals with the Israel-Gaza conflict of 2014, in which the rights of Palestinian children and youth have been trampled on in many circumstances. Therefore the inquiry is about the possibility of adult education in the involved communities, in order to protect children from violence. The Palestinian thinker Edward Said, through his writings Orientalism and The Question of Palestine, tried to explain the historical reasons of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict according to a Marxist dialectical view. The occupation and repression of the Palestinans has been possible because of the deep hegemonic role that Zionist ideology played and still plays worldwide. A cultural and intellectual road-map is traced by many Jewish and Arab artists and scholars, leading to a more authentic view of the adversary's reasons and identity, relieving itself off of false beliefs. Adult education in Palestine, of which some different experiences are described, should aim at developing peace and resistance by nonviolent thought and practices. The educational and cultural work, however, shouldn't remain on an informal, abstract level, but should obtain a response by the institutional, political and diplomatic world.

During the British mandate in Palestine, the Italian Catholics campaigned for greater Italian involvement in the region's politics. To achieve this, the religious factors, linked with the necessity to guarantee Catholic rights to the Holy Places and the life of Catholic communities, were often used to reinforce Italian political ambitions. This policy was actively pursued before 1922, the year of the official establishment of the British mandate. Even after this, these issues continued to draw attention, gaining more importance during the periods of crisis such as the disturbances of 1929, the great Arab revolt (1936-1939) and at the beginning of the Second World War. In the same way, during the first Arab-Israeli war, in 1948, the Franciscan Delegation of the Holy Land in Rome pro-moted a campaign to form a so called «militia» to safeguard the Palestinian sanctuaries and protect Italian interests in the region. The aim of this article is to investigate how these national-religious attitudes changed over the tumultuous period of the British mandate, trying to understand if these campaigns had any influence on Italian policy in that region.

Realtà e memoria di una disfatta does not address either the causes of the Six Day War or the consequences that the military conflict had for Israelis and Palestinians, about which much has been written. It focuses instead on the impact of the war on Arab countries, and the weighty legacy left by the defeat of 1967, which has been much less studied. There are several references to this in the short essay by Samir Kassir, L'infelicità araba, published posthumously in Italy in 2006. In his analysis, Kassir warns against falling into the dual trap that has ensnared the Arab world for the last forty years: on the one hand the Orientalist reading that lays the blame on Islam for the delayed modernisation of this part of the world, and on the other the temptation to heap responsibility for all evils on the West. To avoid this risk, as Kassir sees it, the Arabs have to take their destiny into their own hands, shrugging off victimism and coming to terms with modernity.

This essay focuses on the analysis of the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict from a sociological perspective using the theoretical approach of the non violencebeginning with Gandhi and Sharp.Moreforward it will be analyzing three types of nonviolent struggle:starting from the popular struggle coordination committees with regardto their specific organization, of individuals and international movementsthat support them; then Boycott Divestment Sanctions (BDS) thatwas adopted primarily in South Africa, and finally it will be explainingthe protest of the political prisoners that have adopted, in the last years,a hunger strike as a control strategy.In conclusion it will be analyze the limits of this alternative strategyof alternative to violence with its strengths, and to able to change the dichotomyresistance‐terrorism, taken as a new method or as a discoveryof a revolutionary resistance.

This research delves into the Nongovernmental Organisations' presence on the international scene, in an effort to grasp its significance for the traditional political order and for the democratic dynamics within it. The growing presence of multiple and concurrent autonomous centres of power, peculiar to the current political organisations, and furthered by the process of globalization, have represented a contributing factor of the overcome of social and political boundaries along with the State's centrality itself. The nongovernmental sphere has had a fundamental role in the process of "remodeling" the international order, becoming at the same time an essential tool for its comprehension. Therefore, this research is focused on the analysis of NGOs' intervention in war-torn societies, in order to examine the dynamics of interdependence binding them with the other social actors involved in the conflict. This thesis is articulated in four chapters. The first is dedicated to develop a theoretical framework of the genesis and the role of NGOs. The second is focused on two aspect of Nongovernmental Organisations'intervention in conflict zones: the relationship between them and the other actors of the conflict, United Nations, the State and local actors; and the principles that inform their intervention. The third chapter delves into the intricacies of the nongovernmental organisations, with particular reference to their inherent weaknesses and how they have affected NGOs'work. The last chapter examines the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on the most significant historical and political moments for the Nongovernmental sphere.

The question of foreign policy within Socialist Unity Party 1966 - 1969 The research project aims to carry out an analysis of the different positions within the Socialist Unity Party, taking into consideration the years of its political activity, 1966 – 1969. The research try to follow the political debate born in these years, from some of the most important international issues such as the Vietnam War, the Arab-Israeli question and the Prague Spring; the research also analyzes the relationships between the PSU and the Socialist International. The central theme of the project will, therefore, consist of a precise examination of the various interpretations developed within the party, divided in recent years in current well-defined and often contradict each other in relation to these important events in international politics. A careful reflection on these different judgments could also allow you to determine how much the lack of a precise and systematic program of international politics has helped to speed up the process of separation of the two souls of the party. The research aims, finally, to determine whether and how the socialist unification has put into question and crisis in the traditional guidelines of the socialist party's foreign policy, and to consider, therefore, the elements of continuity or rupture with respect to the ideological principles that the party had followed until then.

The wave of protests that, starting from the end of 2010, hit some countries in the Middle- East North-Africa region, leading to the fall of long-standing autocratic regimes and referred to as the Arab Spring, has renewed the interests of researchers on youth bulges. The youth bulge theory links the demographic transition to political instability, by asserting that countries characterized by a particularly young population tend to be more vulnerable to political violence. The aim of the thesis is to test empirically this hypothesis on a sample of 160 countries in the post-World War II period. For this purpose, we adopt an econometric strategy alternative to the one prevailing in the literature on the determinants of civil conflicts: we employ a simple linear regression model which accounts for country and time fixed effects.

Cover -- quartino -- Table of Contents -- Introduction. The Renewed Attention for the Protection of the Cultural Expressions in Crisis Areas -- Countering the Illicit Trafficking of Cultural Property. Implementation Experience in Argentina -- SESSION 1 Protecting Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Key Points -- Antiquities Trafficking and Conflict Financing: The Fight Against Looting and Smuggling of Cultural Property Goods in a Global Perspective of Peace -- Assistance by Peacekeeping Forces to Protection of Cultural Heritage and International Criminal Responsibility -- SESSION 2 Protecting Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage to Maintain International Peace and Security: Contemporary Issues -- Cultural Protection Policy in the Syrian Arab Republic An International Law Perspective -- Contrasto del terrorismo e protezione dei beni e delle espressioni culturali: l'esperienza della Tunisia -- Cultural Heritage in Oman Forts, Castles and Fortifications as Models -- SESSION 3 Peacekeeping and Protection of Diversity of Cultural Expression and Cultural Heritage -- UN Security Council Approaches to the Global Safeguarding of Cultural Heritage: An Evolving Role in Preventing the Illicit Traffic of Cultural Objects -- Closing Remarks -- The Protection of Cultural Heritagein the Context of the Maintenance of Peaceand Security: The Way Ahead -- After the Workshop Steps Forwards -- Exploitation of Natural Resources in Timesof Armed Conflict: The Contributionof the United Nations and Peace Operationsin Addressing Resource-Related Conflicts -- The Relationship Between the Protection of Tangible and Intangible Cultural Heritage under International Law -- Reflecting on the Intentional Destruction of Cultural Heritage as a War Crime in Light of the ICC Judgement in the Al Mahdi Case -- Cultural Genocide

In the wider context of dialogue among cultures, the analysis of women's conditions in Muslim cultures -or in those European milieus affected by immigration from Maghreb- proves to be a difficult task, marked as it is by an ambiguity which is inherent to those power relations defined by economic and political balances between states at a global level. The debate on the veil is an exemplifying issue of the terms in which the dialogue is conducted between European nations and Islamist movements, and it sets the limits by which -given a certain power structure- women's freedom is lost in the name of a culture presenting itself as promoting the value of differences. Within the European debate, Islamic feminism represents the main interlocutor of international institutions which -unable to solve those more radical questions giving origin to conflicts between peoples- exclude from their analysis other forms of social critique, in this way favoring culturalist and differentialist approaches. All considered, though, Islamic feminism does not limit itself to represent the positions expressed by those Maghreb and Arab feminists that -in reaction to a cultural model continuing to propose the image of a society based on the absolute control of women- keep struggling to reaffirm their right to freedom and equality: they instead carry on the deconstruction work that originally gave birth to world women's movements. ; Nel contesto più generale del dibattito tra culture, l"analisi della condizione della donnanelle culture musulmane o in quelle europee nate dall"immigrazione magrebina si rivelaun compito complesso, in quanto segnato dall"ambiguità insita nelle relazioni di potereche definiscono gli equilibri economici e politici tra stati a livello globale. Il dibattitosul velo si rivela un elemento esplicativo della forma che assume il dialogo tra potenzeeuropee e movimenti islamisti e specifica i termini in cui, in vista di una certa gestionedel potere, si sacrifica la libertà della donne in nome di una cultura che si dicepromotrice dei valori della differenza. All"interno del dibattito europeo, il femminismoislamico rappresenta l"interlocutore principale delle istituzioni internazionali, che,incapaci di risolvere le questioni più radicali che originano i conflitti tra popoli, hannodeciso di escludere dalle loro analisi altre forme di critica sociale, favorendo cosìapprocci di tipo prevalentemente culturalista e differenzialista. Il femminismo islamicosi rivela, tuttavia, non rappresentativo delle posizioni espresse dalle femministemaghrebine ed arabe che, in risposta ad un modello culturale che continua a proporrel"immagine di una società basata sul dominio della donna, non smettono di lottare peraffermare il loro diritto alla libertà e all"uguaglianza, proseguendo quel lavoro didecostruzione che è all"origine dei movimenti delle donne nel mondo.

This volume contains the results of some studies presented by Egyptian and Italian scholars at the International Conference "Peacebuilding between East and West XI-XVI c.", organized in Cairo on, October 27, 2016 by the Egyptian Unity of research, as part of the academic activities of the Bilateral Project "History of Peace-building: peaceful relations between East and West (11th - 15th century)" carried out jointly by the Institute of the Mediterranean EuropeHistory of the CNR (Italy), and the University of Damanhour. The project is totally funded by the Academy of Scientific Research and Technology (ASRT)(1) of the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Italian National Research Council (CNR)(2).The purpose of the Bilateral Project - and even of the aforementioned International Conference- is to carry out research in order to examine through the study of different types of documentary and narrative sources; the nature, quantity and quality of peaceful relations between Christians and Muslims in a geographical area extending from the Iberian Peninsula to the Levantin a chronological interval between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries. Needless to say that since it is an Italian-Egyptian project, the researchers will devote particular attention in their studies to the relations between these two geographical areas.In this book, we can find the first contributions of some scholars of the two Research Units on the important theme of the complex relationships between the Christian world and the Islamic one, which characterized almost all the Middle Ages and much of the Modern Age in the area gravitating around the Mediterranean Sea.The researchers' aim is to focus their studies on episodes, geographical areas, persons and moments which represent incidents and cases of peaceful coexistence and connection, with fruitful exchanges of various kinds of knowledge, even in a general context characterized by military, religious and ideological-cultural conflict. ; Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Academy of Scientific Research & Technology ; editors in chief Prof. Ali Ahmed El-Sayed, Dr. Luciano Gallinari, Dr. Abdallah Abdel-Ati Al-Naggar ; Beiträge teilweise italienisch, teilweise arabisch in arabischer Schrift