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Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.

Many conflicts in the 21st century are perceived as intractable: long-lasting, brutal, irreconcilable, of a zero-sum nature. One of these conflicts – over a century long Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is a struggle between two nations claiming their rights to the same territory which they both consider to be their homeland. This struggle is usually perceived as a zero-sum conflict over the territory but one of the main propositions of this research is that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for many years was perceived as a zero-sum struggle over national identity as well. For over four decades many Jews and Palestinians believed that one nation can implement its national aspirations only at the expense of the other nation. This belief was the principal impediment for the conflict to break-through. This mutual belief also resulted in neglecting any possibility to recognize the other nation's legitimacy and therefore – permanent confrontation and conflict escalation. This paper seeks to take a different approach to the analysis of conflict. One fundamental statement of this research is that many academics limit their analysis of Israeli-Palestinian struggle to mechanistic and deterministic explanations this way failing to explain some crucial factors having tremendous impact on the course of the conflict. This research paper emphasizes the role of national identity in conflict resolution and claims that the condition for peace between these two nations was never only about Israel's retreat from the occupied territories. The premise of this paper is that there is a direct connection between national identity and state's foreign policy decisions. The paper is based on the constructivist approach of international relations which emphasizes constitutive nature of social reality: the lived life and knowledge about it are socially constructed. But the research was also very much influenced by Michael Barnett's theoretical "hybrid" – conditional combination of constructivism and institutionalism. This theoretical approach emphasizes that constructivist theories fail to incorporate a core insight of institutionalism – actors strategize in an institutional setting – and therefore is not able to address foreign policy change. On the other hand institutionalism fails to incorporate a core insight of constructivism – actors are embedded in a normative structure – and therefore is unable to explain what creates and constitutes legitimate action. The aim of this paper is after determining how and when national identity influences state's foreign policy decisions to analyze Israel's national identity's influence on the course of Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This conflict is analyzed from its beginning at the end of the 19th century seeking to reveal what caused changes in Israel's foreign policy decisions. But the focus of analysis is Israel's national identity in the years 2000–2007. The goal of this analysis is to determine what influence this identity had on the renewed peace talks with Palestinians in 2007.

Zunanji akterji igrajo poglavitno vlogo pri upravljanju in reševanju konfliktov, saj s svojimi kapacitetami lahko prispevajo k reševanju vzroka konflikta in k delnemu spreminjanju ter izpolnjevanju ciljev sprtih strani. Med najbolj trdovratne konflikte uvrščamo verske in druge identitetne konflikte, saj identiteta vpliva na prepričanje posameznika in skupine o svoji vlogi oz. položaju v konfliktu. Prednost pri zaznavanju in reševanju tovrstnih konfliktov pa imajo zaradi svojega poznavanja območja in akterjev predvsem regionalne organizacije, med njimi tudi države članice Sveta za sodelovanje v zalivu (Gulf Cooperation Council – GCC), ki so dejavne pri upravljanju in reševanju izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Magistrska naloga preučuje vpliv verskega dejavnika na vlogo arabskih zalivskih držav pri reševanju konflikta od ustanovitve Izraela leta 1948 do katarske diplomatske krize leta 2017 ter posledice razmaha šiitsko-sunitskega razkola na njihovo vlogo. Kot kažejo ugotovitve, so arabske zalivske države v obdobju od leta 1948 do leta 2011 vztrajno poskušale rešiti konflikt v prid palestinskega prebivalstva, z razmahom šiitsko-sunitskega razkola med arabsko pomladjo pa je iranska grožnja zasenčila reševanje izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Zunanji akterji, predvsem regionalne organizacije, so torej občutljive na mednarodno in regionalno dogajanje ter morebitne spremembe dinamike konflikta. Slednje posledično vpliva na vlogo zunanjih akterjev pri reševanju konfliktov, ki se v luči sprememb strukturnega okolja iz pozitivne lahko prelevi v negativno. ; External actors play a key role in conflict management and resolution, as they can contribute to resolving the cause of the conflict and partially changing or meeting the goals of the conflicting parties. Among the most persistent conflicts are religious and other identity conflicts, since identity influences the belief of an individual and a group about their role in the conflict. Due to their knowledge of the region and actors, the advantage in detecting and resolving such conflicts lies particularly with regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, which are actively engaged in the management and resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The master's thesis examines the influence of the religious factor on the role of the Arab Gulf states in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the founding of Israel in 1948 up until the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, and the consequences of the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide on their role. In the period between 1948 and 201 the Arab Gulf states persistently sought to resolve the conflict in favor of the Palestinian population ; however, with the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide during the Arab Spring, the Iranian threat overshadowed the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. External actors, especially regional organizations, are therefore sensitive to international and regional developments, as well as possible changes in the dynamics of the conflict. The latter consequently influences the role of external actors in managing and resolving conflicts, which can change from positive to negative, in the light of changes to the structural environment.

Palestinski predsednik Mahmoud Abbas je v začetku leta 2011 zaprosil za polno članstvo Palestine v Organizaciji združenih narodov (OZN). Varnostni svet članstva Palestini ni odobril, zato je sledila prošnja za odobritev statusa države opazovalke. Z resolucijo Generalne Skupščine OZN 67/19 so dne 29. novembra 2012 Palestini odobrili status države opazovalke. Ta status je Palestini prinesel pravico do sodelovanja na sejah Generalne skupščine OZN, do vzpostavitve predstavništva v New Yorku, Ženevi in na Dunaju ter pravico postati članica specializiranih agencij OZN ter pogodbenica vseh mednarodnih pogodb, kjer je Generalni sekretar OZN depozitar. Magistrska naloga analizira pravne posledice spremembe statusa Palestine v OZN. Za lažje razumevanje najprej predstavim pot Palestine do statusa države opazovalke v OZN. Nato kratko analiziram ali je palestinska zakonodajna ureditev v skladu z nekaterimi najpomembnejšimi mednarodnimi pogodbami, ki jih je Palestina ratificirala. V zaključku pa raziščem kako sodeluje v Generalni skupščini ter nekaterih specializiranih agencijah OZN, kjer ima položaj članice ali opazovalke. ; The Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbasa had in the beginning of the year 2011 requested for full membership of Palestine in the United Nations (UN). The Security Council did not approve membership of Palestine, therefore a request for granting a status of an observer state followed. With the Resolution 67/19 from the 29th of November 2012 the General Assembly approved Palestine the status of observer state. This status brought Palestine the right to participate in the meetings of the General Assembly, to establish a Permanent Mission in New York, Geneva and Vienna, and the right to become a member of specialized agencies of UN and party to all international treaties, where the Secretary-General is depositary. My Master thesis analyses the legal consequences of the change in status of Palestine in the UN. For better understanding of the topic, I first introduce Palestine's road to the status of observer state in the UN. Then I briefly analyse, if the Palestinian Law is in consistency with some of the most important international treaties to which Palestine ratified. In conclusion, I research the participation of Palestine in the General Assembly and in some specialized agencies, where Palestine holds status of member or observer.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

Protrected Conflicts: a Case of Syria The paper contains analysis of the phenomenon of protracted conflict. Usually, these kinds of conflicts get a lot of international attention, and thus it is necessary to understand what factors affect the duration of the conflict. This work is a case study of the civil war in Syria. The analysis uses databases and the method of qualitative data analysis. Theoretical background comes from Edvar Azar who says that there are four main reasons for the conflict to be protracted: the existence of identity groups, social inequality, government's inability to fulfil basic human needs, and international relations. The assumption is made that despite the first three factors, the involvement of third parties into the conflict has the principal impact on the conflict duration. The analysis of the war in Syria is herein presented by describing the most important events, breaking points, and the course of the conflict. In addition, main domestic and external actors as well as their goals are analyzed. Few assumptions were examined in this work with reference to E. Azar. Though all of the first three factors mentioned before can be found in the conflict, the findings suggest that these factors identify the reasons why the Arab Spring in Syria was followed by the civil war afterwards more than why the conflict itself is protracted. The main hypothesis, that the duration of the conflict is mostly affected by the involvement of third parties is confirmed. The analysis shows that external actors have a big influence on the conflict by providing support to either of the conflicting sides and thus blocking the possibility for one conflicting party to win. The paper analyses the impact of the U.S., Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah, and ISIS by providing the reasons that have made them to join the conflict, as well as presenting the main goals and the measures they took in the conflict. By comparing the goals of these actors in the conflict, it became clear that it is impossible to find the solution that would be acceptable for all of the conflicting parties and their allies. Different actors support different sides of the conflict though the fact that all these parties has different goals and such goals are incompatible makes it even more chaotic. That is why the actors get involved in 'zero sum' game, when the benefit of one side is seen as the damage for the other. Based on the collected information it becomes clear that external actors influence the duration of the conflict by providing their support for different domestic actors.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named "refugee or migration crisis", after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the "refugee crisis". The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.

The thesis explores the postcolonial failures in the Middle East through a case study of Syria. Syria like the whole Middle East as we know it nowadays is a state and region of imagination drafted by the colonial Europe after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Author defines the concept of postcolonial state of Syria and argues that after the Arab upheaval, Syria as a postcolonial state does not exist anymore. Since the "Arab Spring" Syria got dragged into an ongoing civil war and the Assad regime has refused to go down peacefully. The conflict broke out in 2011 hence the developments in Syria through 2011-2015 are the key interest for the study, however in their analysis author has to take into account the historical context and certain vital developments in Syrian history. Currently, Syrian government is unable to deliver the basic services to its population and thus has been regarded as a failed state. Author analyzes the concept of the failed state, its application in Syrian case and attempts to understand what factors led to the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria. The study builds on an argument that postcolonial state of Syria has failed due to the foundational problems and the failure of the national identity, accompanied with the involvement of external actors, which are further prolonging the conflict. Author tries to examine to what extent have those actors promoted or undermined the failure of the postcolonial state of Syria and further sectarianization of the country. Theories of National identity failure and Constructivism are used as a theoretical framework to guide the whole research; with the former providing the explanation of the failure of the Syrian state and the latter addressing the logic behind the involvement of external actors and assists in generalizing the pattern detected in Syria over the whole Middle East, examining whether postcolonial Middle East has ended in light of Syrian case and given way to the emergence of New Middle East.