For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial ...
For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial ...
For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial ...
Since 1948, the Government Press Office of Israel has been collecting and producing an extensive archive of photographs representing the birth and development of the Israeli nation state. Digitized and published online, this archive functions as a visual memorial of Israel, an example of what Jan Assman calls "bonding memory", a form of memory that connects individuals to a political body, and which acts to frame a collective national identity. In 2011, the copyright terms of this archive were changed to encourage the circulation and reuse of images. This decision echoes a broader trend towards the "opening" of large data sets on the Web ("open data", "open archives", "open government"). At the same time, the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and the existence of contesting narratives of the creation of Israel threaten the integrity of the official national memory. In this context, what are the conditions and limits of "opening" the national photographic archive? Examining contemporary ideology of the "open" in new media discourses and the free culture movement, this paper investigates the conditions of circulation and appropriation of memory and the role of copyright as a potential tool to control freedom of expression.
The question of the determination of the Hebrew State's boundaries is central in the arab-israeli conflict since 1947, when the partition plan for Palestine was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. It leads to the surfaces definition of military control areas in the Near-East between the different protagonists. Indeed, the land dividing appears to be the product of diverse armed actions of which the both principal are the Israel-Arab war of 1948-49 and the Six Days War of 1967. The contradiction between the terms of the United Nations act and the effective cutting up on the ground affects the international public law at various stages. First of all, we have to determine the binding ability (or non-ability) of the United Nations General Assembly act, this one just having on principle a recommendatory power. However, the specific framework of the mandates and the issue of boundaries delimitation of a former territory under tutelage are going to confer an erga omnes opposability to the partition plan. So the discordance between the partition plan frontiers and the existing demarcations has to be analyzed through the distinction between military occupation and annexation. It brings out that spaces controlled by Israeli State in addition to the terms of the General Assembly resolution reveal two different regimes: one part of lands having been juridically annexed and the other being subdued to a military regime and then differentiated from the internal israeli order. This new cutting up imposed by facts sees itself validated by United Nations in 1967 with the adoption of the resolution 242. By this act, the Security Council transforms front lines into international boundaries, which belies the principle of ?the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war?, and demonstrates its incapacity to assume his specific responsibility in the matter of maintaining international peace and security. Then the borrowed solution seems to be counterproductive since it has not even contributed to forge the ...
The question of the determination of the Hebrew State's boundaries is central in the arab-israeli conflict since 1947, when the partition plan for Palestine was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly. It leads to the surfaces definition of military control areas in the Near-East between the different protagonists. Indeed, the land dividing appears to be the product of diverse armed actions of which the both principal are the Israel-Arab war of 1948-49 and the Six Days War of 1967. The contradiction between the terms of the United Nations act and the effective cutting up on the ground affects the international public law at various stages. First of all, we have to determine the binding ability (or non-ability) of the United Nations General Assembly act, this one just having on principle a recommendatory power. However, the specific framework of the mandates and the issue of boundaries delimitation of a former territory under tutelage are going to confer an erga omnes opposability to the partition plan. So the discordance between the partition plan frontiers and the existing demarcations has to be analyzed through the distinction between military occupation and annexation. It brings out that spaces controlled by Israeli State in addition to the terms of the General Assembly resolution reveal two different regimes: one part of lands having been juridically annexed and the other being subdued to a military regime and then differentiated from the internal israeli order. This new cutting up imposed by facts sees itself validated by United Nations in 1967 with the adoption of the resolution 242. By this act, the Security Council transforms front lines into international boundaries, which belies the principle of ?the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war?, and demonstrates its incapacity to assume his specific responsibility in the matter of maintaining international peace and security. Then the borrowed solution seems to be counterproductive since it has not even contributed to forge the ...
In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art. ; Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n'existe pas d'étude d'ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu'entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d'œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la ...
In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art. ; Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n'existe pas d'étude d'ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu'entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d'œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la ...
In a limited scope, academic critiques have been written on recent productions on the theme of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, still there exists no comprehensive study on the subject. Additionally, several studies have focused on clarifying the relationship between theatre and politics since the early 2000s. The thesis aims to expand on this line of thought, deriving from cultural transfers of Israeli and Palestinian works to France, from the 1970s to the present day.The methodology implemented articulates theatre historiography, history of theatrical performances and the study of the cultural production field in diachrony. The methodology allowed for the highlighting of the persistence of Orientalism, reinforced by the historic phase-shift between France and Israel and the unequal development between France and Palestine. The theatrical performance can either offer a space of resistance to the identity assignements suffered by artists from Israel and Palestine, or can reproduce domination relations that are legible through the degree of legitimacy of the theatre performances and performers. The thesis evokes the complexity of relations of dominance that are not reducible to racism or a "clash of civilizations" but are a cultural hegemony maintained by theatrical and academic institutions, and drama reviewer. These instances of legitimation are analyzed here as producers of an ideological discourse, the study of which challenges the posture of neutrality that accompanies the autonomy of art. ; Quelques critiques universitaires ont été écrites sur des spectacles récents prenant pour thématique le conflit israélo-palestinien, mais il n'existe pas d'étude d'ensemble à ce sujet. Par ailleurs, depuis le début des années 2000, plusieurs recherches se sont attachées à préciser les relations qu'entretiennent le théâtre et la politique. Cette thèse vise à approfondir cette réflexion à partir des transferts culturels d'œuvres israéliennes et palestiniennes vers la France, des années 1970 à nos jours.Pour ce faire la ...
The thesis deals with trends and changes in Jewish-Israeli public opinion during seven Low Intensity Conflicts (LICs) in which Israel was involved between 2002-2014, as well as during the routine periods between these conflicts.The research is anchored in four overlapping disciplines: "Military and Defense"; Mass Media and Public-Opinion; Civil–military relations; Resilience. Studying the responses of 37,190 respondents, collected in sixty-seven public opinion surveys among Israeli Jews between 2002-2019, sheds light on the question: How does the occurrence of LIC affect public opinion among the Jewish population of Israel?A cumulative impact process of LICs has been identified, showing a slow trend of long-term change in public opinion. The LICs are perceived as less threatening and easier to adaptation: an indicator of a process of "routinization". At the same time, a process of strengthening trust in the military, strengthening social cohesion and strengthening faith in the basic Israeli narrative underlying the conflict. ; Cette thèse traite des tendances et des changements au sein de l'opinion publique juive-israélienne au cours de sept conflits de faible intensité (LIC) où Israël a été impliqué entre 2002-2014, ainsi que pendant les périodes de routine entre ces conflits.La recherche est ancrée dans quatre axes théoriques imbriqués « armée et défense »; médias de masse et opinion publique ; armée et société; résilience.L'étude des réponses de 37190 sondés, collectées lors de soixante-sept sondages d'opinion publique menés auprès de Juifs israéliens entre 2002-2019 vient éclairer la question : Comment la survenue d'événements de combat de faible intensité affecte-t-elle l'opinion publique au sein de la population juive d'Israël ?Un processus d'impact cumulatif des LIC a été identifié menant à une lente tendance au changement de l'opinion publique à long terme. Les LIC sont perçus comme moins menaçants, plus propices à l'adaptation, indicateur d'un processus de « routinisation », ce en parallèle du ...
Using the theoretical framework of Teun van Dijk's ideological square (VAN DIJK, 2001: 21-63 in BELL, GARRETT, 2001), Critical Discourse Analysis (VAN DIJK Teun A., a,b,c1989; JØRGENSEN & PHILLIPS, 2002; RICHARDSON, 2007; WODAK & CHILTON, 2005; WODAK & MEYER ,2001) , the new Theory of Context (VAN DIJK, 2008, 2009) and Edward Said's Orientalism (SAID,1979), I have studied the image of the Israeli-Arab conflict in nine elite newspapers in Belgium (La Libre Belgique, Le Soir), France (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro) and UK (The Times, The Independent, The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian). The analysis tries to reveal how European quality newspapers represent the conflict, implicated actors, there actions and qualities, events and settings (places, territories). The analyzed data contains all front pages (311 front pages for each newspaper), 23 communicative events (political, conflict) and a random sample of 36 issues during 2006. A codebook of six categories including 81 variables was applied to the collected data. This research is conducted under the supervision of Dr. Marc Lits at the UCL (Université catholique de Louvain) in Belgium. Results of the analysis show how the elite newspapers refer to and name actors, actions or events and territories and how actors get to speak. I argue that not only editorial contents could be ideological, but also news reports and even page layout and photography choice. Further more, I build on van Dijk's ideological square to show that the "Us" and "Them" dichotomy becomes more complex when dealing with the Israeli-Arab conflict. In one hand, Israel is considered by European elite newspapers as a member of the West and categorized as "Us" and in the other hand, Palestinians, Muslims and Arabs are classified as others in "Them" category. This thesis answers five questions: 1. How often is the Arab-Israeli conflict coved by the European quality newspapers? 2. What are the covered issues? 3. Who gets to speak, study of news sources? 4. How journalists name conflict actors? 5. How newspapers name countries and territories? ; Cette thèse analyse le traitement médiatique du conflit israélo-arabe dans la presse européenne de qualité. Un corpus de neuf journaux est analysé pendant une année complète: 2006. Soit deux journaux belges (Le Soir et La Libre Belgique), trois journaux français (Le Monde, Le Figaro et Libération) et quatre journaux britanniques (The Times, The Guardian, The Independent, The Telegraph). Toutes les unes, 13 événements politiques et violents ainsi qu'un échantillon aléatoire sont analysés quantitativement et qualitativement afin de comprendre les tendances et les logiques du traitement médiatique du conflit. Jusqu'à présent, aucune étude, n'a -à notre connaissance- analysé cette problématique (la couverture du conflit israélo-arabe dans la presse quotidienne en Belgique, en France et en Grande-Bretagne). Cette recherche répond à cinq questions de recherche : 1. Quelle place le conflit israélo-arabe occupe-t-il dans la presse européenne? 2. Quels sont les thèmes traités? 3. Quelles sont les sources citées? 4. Comment sont désignés les protagonistes du conflit? 5. Comment sont nommés les pays et les territoires ? L'étude s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'Analyse Critique du Discours (ACD). Selon cette approche, l'analyse des problèmes sociaux et leurs manifestations discursives nécessite non seulement l'étude de ces discours, ici médiatiques, mais également de prendre en compte le contexte de production et de réception. L'ACD définit le discours en tant que pratique ou action sociale. Le discours entretient une relation dialectique avec le monde social, une relation teintée par une influence mutuelle. Pour comprendre la couverture médiatique du conflit israélo-arabe, il incombe donc d'analyser le contexte historique et le contexte de la production médiatique. Pour cette raison, nous proposons une brève présentation historique du conflit, une mise en contexte qui s'impose avant de présenter la méthode et les résultats de cette analyse. Cette thèse est composée de trois parties composées chacune de trois chapitres. Dans la première partie, nous proposons une mise en contexte de la recherche à travers la présentation du conflit israélo-arabe et ses origines dans le premier chapitre, des groupes d'intérêt pro-israéliens et pro-palestiniens (chapitre 2) et une revue de la littérature (chapitre 3). Quant à la deuxième partie, elle est destinée à poser le cadre épistémologique de cette étude, le cadre théorique (chapitre 4), la méthodologie (chapitre 5) et le corpus (chapitre 6). Dans la troisième partie, nous présentons les résultats de la recherche, l'analyse des unes (chapitre 7), l'analyse des événements (chapitre 8) et l'analyse de l'échantillon aléatoire (chapitre 9). ; (COMU 3) -- UCL, 2012
Using the theoretical framework of Teun van Dijk's ideological square (VAN DIJK, 2001: 21-63 in BELL, GARRETT, 2001), Critical Discourse Analysis (VAN DIJK Teun A., a,b,c1989; JØRGENSEN & PHILLIPS, 2002; RICHARDSON, 2007; WODAK & CHILTON, 2005; WODAK & MEYER ,2001) , the new Theory of Context (VAN DIJK, 2008, 2009) and Edward Said's Orientalism (SAID,1979), I have studied the image of the Israeli-Arab conflict in nine elite newspapers in Belgium (La Libre Belgique, Le Soir), France (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro) and UK (The Times, The Independent, The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian). The analysis tries to reveal how European quality newspapers represent the conflict, implicated actors, there actions and qualities, events and settings (places, territories). The analyzed data contains all front pages (311 front pages for each newspaper), 23 communicative events (political, conflict) and a random sample of 36 issues during 2006. A codebook of six categories including 81 variables was applied to the collected data. This research is conducted under the supervision of Dr. Marc Lits at the UCL (Université catholique de Louvain) in Belgium. Results of the analysis show how the elite newspapers refer to and name actors, actions or events and territories and how actors get to speak. I argue that not only editorial contents could be ideological, but also news reports and even page layout and photography choice. Further more, I build on van Dijk's ideological square to show that the "Us" and "Them" dichotomy becomes more complex when dealing with the Israeli-Arab conflict. In one hand, Israel is considered by European elite newspapers as a member of the West and categorized as "Us" and in the other hand, Palestinians, Muslims and Arabs are classified as others in "Them" category. This thesis answers five questions: 1. How often is the Arab-Israeli conflict coved by the European quality newspapers? 2. What are the covered issues? 3. Who gets to speak, study of news sources? 4. How journalists name conflict actors? 5. How newspapers name countries and territories? ; Cette thèse analyse le traitement médiatique du conflit israélo-arabe dans la presse européenne de qualité. Un corpus de neuf journaux est analysé pendant une année complète: 2006. Soit deux journaux belges (Le Soir et La Libre Belgique), trois journaux français (Le Monde, Le Figaro et Libération) et quatre journaux britanniques (The Times, The Guardian, The Independent, The Telegraph). Toutes les unes, 13 événements politiques et violents ainsi qu'un échantillon aléatoire sont analysés quantitativement et qualitativement afin de comprendre les tendances et les logiques du traitement médiatique du conflit. Jusqu'à présent, aucune étude, n'a -à notre connaissance- analysé cette problématique (la couverture du conflit israélo-arabe dans la presse quotidienne en Belgique, en France et en Grande-Bretagne). Cette recherche répond à cinq questions de recherche : 1. Quelle place le conflit israélo-arabe occupe-t-il dans la presse européenne? 2. Quels sont les thèmes traités? 3. Quelles sont les sources citées? 4. Comment sont désignés les protagonistes du conflit? 5. Comment sont nommés les pays et les territoires ? L'étude s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'Analyse Critique du Discours (ACD). Selon cette approche, l'analyse des problèmes sociaux et leurs manifestations discursives nécessite non seulement l'étude de ces discours, ici médiatiques, mais également de prendre en compte le contexte de production et de réception. L'ACD définit le discours en tant que pratique ou action sociale. Le discours entretient une relation dialectique avec le monde social, une relation teintée par une influence mutuelle. Pour comprendre la couverture médiatique du conflit israélo-arabe, il incombe donc d'analyser le contexte historique et le contexte de la production médiatique. Pour cette raison, nous proposons une brève présentation historique du conflit, une mise en contexte qui s'impose avant de présenter la méthode et les résultats de cette analyse. Cette thèse est composée de trois parties composées chacune de trois chapitres. Dans la première partie, nous proposons une mise en contexte de la recherche à travers la présentation du conflit israélo-arabe et ses origines dans le premier chapitre, des groupes d'intérêt pro-israéliens et pro-palestiniens (chapitre 2) et une revue de la littérature (chapitre 3). Quant à la deuxième partie, elle est destinée à poser le cadre épistémologique de cette étude, le cadre théorique (chapitre 4), la méthodologie (chapitre 5) et le corpus (chapitre 6). Dans la troisième partie, nous présentons les résultats de la recherche, l'analyse des unes (chapitre 7), l'analyse des événements (chapitre 8) et l'analyse de l'échantillon aléatoire (chapitre 9). ; (COMU 3) -- UCL, 2012
de 2002 à novembre 2007 since 2002 to 2007 (november) ; Since 1948, the Middle Eastern conflict is an important issue in international relationships and Law. During that year, the British mandate on Palestine collapsed and the State of Israel was created. But, yet, at the beginning, a war between Sionists, Arabic countries, and Palestinians fixes « borders » between Israel and its Arab neighbours. Moreover, in 1967, a new issue appears, the relationships with the Occupied Territories. Consequently, Israel has two questions about its borders to manage : the classical question of borders between States and an internal question with the Palestinians about a new State. This research tries to demonstrate the ways used by local and international partners to find a solution to this legal question, cause of the local instability and widely. This work is founded on Law, History, Political Science (particularly, the study of Arabist and Sionist ideologies during the XXth century) and international relationships. All these elements will permit us to find a coherence about failures and successes since 1948 in the story of the Middle East and the fact that the State of Israel has only two borders internationally recognized with Jordan and Egypt, more than 50 years after its birth. ; La question moyenne-orientale est dans l'actualité depuis 1948. C'est en cette année que se crée l'Etat d'Israël sur les décombres du mandat britannique en Palestine. Dès le commencement, la guerre va commencer à fixer les frontières entre Israël et ses voisins arabes. Cependant, après 1967, une nouvelle question va apparaître, celle des relations avec les Territoires occupés. En conséquence, l'Etat d'Israël aura deux questions frontalières à gérer : la question interétatique classique et la question interne avec les Palestiniens. Cette recherche tente de démontrer les voies employées par les différents acteurs régionaux et internationaux pour trouver une solution à cette question juridique qui cause l'instabilité régionale. On s'appuiera sur le droit, l'Histoire, la science politique (en particulier, l'étude des idéologies sioniste et arabiste) et les relations internationales pour trouver une cohérence aux réussites et aux échecs qui ont émaillé l'histoire du Moyen-Orient depuis 1948 et le fait qu'Israël n'ait encore que deux frontières internationalement reconnues, une avec l'Egypte et l'autre avec le royaume de Jordanie.
de 2002 à novembre 2007 since 2002 to 2007 (november) ; Since 1948, the Middle Eastern conflict is an important issue in international relationships and Law. During that year, the British mandate on Palestine collapsed and the State of Israel was created. But, yet, at the beginning, a war between Sionists, Arabic countries, and Palestinians fixes « borders » between Israel and its Arab neighbours. Moreover, in 1967, a new issue appears, the relationships with the Occupied Territories. Consequently, Israel has two questions about its borders to manage : the classical question of borders between States and an internal question with the Palestinians about a new State. This research tries to demonstrate the ways used by local and international partners to find a solution to this legal question, cause of the local instability and widely. This work is founded on Law, History, Political Science (particularly, the study of Arabist and Sionist ideologies during the XXth century) and international relationships. All these elements will permit us to find a coherence about failures and successes since 1948 in the story of the Middle East and the fact that the State of Israel has only two borders internationally recognized with Jordan and Egypt, more than 50 years after its birth. ; La question moyenne-orientale est dans l'actualité depuis 1948. C'est en cette année que se crée l'Etat d'Israël sur les décombres du mandat britannique en Palestine. Dès le commencement, la guerre va commencer à fixer les frontières entre Israël et ses voisins arabes. Cependant, après 1967, une nouvelle question va apparaître, celle des relations avec les Territoires occupés. En conséquence, l'Etat d'Israël aura deux questions frontalières à gérer : la question interétatique classique et la question interne avec les Palestiniens. Cette recherche tente de démontrer les voies employées par les différents acteurs régionaux et internationaux pour trouver une solution à cette question juridique qui cause l'instabilité régionale. On s'appuiera sur le ...
International audience ; The representation of Arab characters and of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in recent Hebrew literature follows the evolution of Israeli politics in its relation to the Other, whether as Arab citizen or as Palestinian from the West bank or from the Gaza strip. This fiction shows us that Jewish writers wish to create increasingly autonomous Arab characters, at least in the sphere of literature. Between 1948, when the state of Israel was created, and 1987-93, when the first Intifada took place, the Arab Palestinian character evolved from non-existence to presence, slowly going through various stages of identification — physical, psychological, sociological, and political. Ultimately, this character found a voice, and even took on the function of narrator. The Palestinian uprising – the Intifada – changed the image of the Palestinian in Israel among Arabs as much as among Jews. Palestinian fighters became interlocutors and partners for possible negotiations. The novel by Itamar Lévy, Lettres de soleil, lettres de lune [Letters of the Sun, Letters of the Moon] (1991), radically altered the previously dominant narrative structure by using a Palestinian character as focalizer, whereas the Jewish character in his novel was no more than a stereotype, of the soldier or the enemy. The occupation is represented through the consciousness of a Palestinian child whose description of his everyday life blurs the boundaries between imagination and reality. Critics have underlined the novelty of such an approach which tries to bring another population to life. The author himself has suggested that his book is a projection onto a Palestinian character of an Israeli understanding of life in the occupied territories. ; La représentation du personnage arabe et du conflit israélo-palestinien dans la littérature hébraïque moderne suit les évolutions de la politique en Israël dans son rapport à cet « autre » qu'est le citoyen arabe ou le Palestinien des territoires de Cisjordanie ou de Gaza. La littérature ...
